Sermon and Worship Resources (2024)

Faith in the context of the OT rests on a foundation that the person or object of trust, belief, or confidence is reliable. Trust in Yahweh is expressed through loyalty and obedience. The theme of responsive obedience is emphasized in the Torah (Exod. 19:5). In the later history of Israel, faithfulness to the law became the predominant expression of faith (Dan. 1:8; 6:10). OT faith, then, is a moral response rather than abstract intellect or emotion.

Faith is a central theological concept in the NT. In relational terms, faith is foremost personalized as the locus of trust and belief in the person of Jesus Christ.

In the Gospels, Jesus is spoken of not as the subject of faith (as believing in God), but as the object of faith. In the Synoptic Gospels, faith is seen most often in connection with the ministry of Jesus. Miracles, in particular healings, are presented as taking place in response to the faith of the one in need of healing or the requester. In the Gospel of John, faith (belief) is presented as something that God requires of his people (6:2829).

In the book of Acts, “faith/belief” is used to refer to Jews and Gentiles converting to following the life and teachings of Jesus Christ and becoming part of the Christian community. The book correlates faith in Christ closely with repentance (Acts 11:21; 19:18; 20:21; 26:18).

Paul relates faith to righteousness and justification (Rom. 3:22; 5:11; Gal. 3:6). In Ephesians faith is shown as instrumental in salvation: “For it is by grace you have been saved, through faith—and this not from yourselves, it is the gift of God” (2:8).

In Hebrews, faith is described as “being sure of what we hope for and certain of what we do not see” (11:1). Faith thus is viewed as something that can be accomplished in the life of the believer—a calling of God not yet tangible or seen. To possess faith is to be loyal to God and to the gospel of Jesus Christ despite all obstacles. In the Letter of James, genuine works naturally accompany genuine faith. Works, however, are expressed in doing the will of God. The will of God means, for example, caring for the poor (James 2:15–16).

In 1Peter, Christ is depicted as the broker of faith in God (1:21), whereas in 2Peter and Jude faith is presented as received from God (2Pet. 1:1). In the Letters of John “to believe” is used as a litmus test for those who possess eternal life: “You who believe in the name of the Son of God, ... you have eternal life” (1John 5:13).

OldTestament

Phoeniciansand Philistines. Asa people whose ancestral territory lay in the landlocked andtimber-poor highlands of Ephraim and Judah, the Israelites ofbiblical times never achieved prominence in seafaring orshipbuilding. Instead, they relied for their maritime enterprises onalliances with their coastal neighbors, particularly the Phoenicianstates to the north of Israel, who excelled in seafaring and hadaccess to the abundant timber forests of Lebanon. The Phoenicians(the Punics of classical antiquity) were famous in antiquity fortheir seafaring. In biblical times, they traded heavily betweenSyria-Palestine and Egypt and also sailed throughout theMediterranean, establishing colonies as far away as Tunisia(Carthage) and Spain (Cadiz).

Anotherseagoing people prominent in the OT were the Philistines, whose baseof power was to the west of Judah, along the Mediterranean coast. TheBible associates the Philistines with the five cities of Ashdod,Ashkelon, Ekron, Gath, and Gaza. The Philistines were among the SeaPeoples, who came to the Levant from the Aegean beginning in thetwelfth century BC (Amos 9:7; Jer. 47:4).

Theperennial enmity between the Philistines and the Israelites precludedjoint maritime ventures of the sort shared by Israel and thePhoenicians, and the Bible does not describe Philistine maritimeactivities in any depth. Nevertheless, the seagoing nature of thePhilistines is reflected by the fact that their settlements remainedconfined to the coastal region. They never made a systematic attemptto take over the traditionally Israelite and Judahite highlands. Whenthey did venture into the Judean mountains, it was to assert amilitary and political presence among the agrarian Israelites andJudahites rather than to establish permanent settlements andPhilistine population centers. Twelfth-century BC reliefs at MedinetHabu (in the mortuary temple of RamessesIII) depict a navalbattle between the Sea Peoples and the Egyptians. The reliefs includepictures of Philistine ships and sailors.

Israeliteseafaring.One of the rare references to Israelite seafaring describes theDanites and the Asherites in connection with ships and harbors (Judg.5:17; see also Ezek. 27:19). Traditional Danite territory overlappedwith the area of Philistine settlement. Asherite territory overlappedsubstantially with Phoenician territory. It is possible that Judg.5:17 refers to the fact that the Danites and the Asherites worked inthe port cities serving Philistine and Phoenician shipping. Inanother passage, Zebulun is associated with ports (Gen. 49:13). It isnoteworthy that the Israelite coast between Jaffa and Dor (roughlybetween Philistia and Phoenicia) does not have an abundance ofnatural harbors. Later, Herod the Great would build the artificialharbor at Caesarea in the first century BC. The great expense of sucha project—including the construction of over 2,500 feet ofbreakwaters made of underwater concrete, mostly imported fromItaly—suggests the extent of the need for secure harbors inthis region.

Solomon’sfleet.The zenith of Israelite seafaring occurred during the reign ofSolomon. Solomon built a fleet of ships at “Ezion Geber, whichis near Elath in Edom, on the shore of the Red Sea” (1Kings9:26). The purpose of these ships was to bring back gold from Ophir(1Kings 9:28), possibly a location in the Arabian Peninsula, towhich a port on the Red Sea would have offered ready access. Thestory confirms the aforementioned dependence on the Phoenicians inthe area of seafaring: although the ships belonged to Solomon, “Hiram[the Phoenician king of Tyre] sent his men—sailors who knew thesea—to serve in the fleet with Solomon’s men”(1Kings 9:27). The timber for the ships would also have beenimported by Israel from Phoenicia (see 1Kings 9:11). Even atthe height of its power, Israel lacked the human resources to embarkon sea voyages independently of the Phoenicians.

Thesuccess of Solomon’s project, of course, depended not only onwarm relations with the Phoenicians but also on territorial controlof the historically Edomite lands between Judah and the Red Sea. Thisfavorable combination of conditions would come and go throughout thebiblical period, and with it, Israel’s modest presence on theseas. From the Phoenician point of view, cooperation with Israel wasan essential component of gaining access to a Red Sea port, and withit to the products of Arabia, the Horn of Africa, and India. ThePhoenicians, as expansive as their travel was in the Mediterranean,could never independently control the long overland route fromPhoenicia to the Red Sea, since it ran through the territory ofIsrael and Edom. Their best hope was a friendly and powerfulIsraelite ally. This explains the cordial relationship and why Hiramsent not only his sailors to serve Solomon but also craftsmen andsupplies for the construction of the temple (1Kings 5:10–12).Solomon and Hiram jointly operated “a fleet of trading ships”that would return to port every three years bringing “gold,silver, and ivory, and apes and baboons” (1Kings 10:22).

Jehoshaphat.In the mid-ninth century BC, King Jehoshaphat of Judah attempted torepeat Solomon’s feat of launching a fleet from Ezion Geber(1Kings 22:48–49; 2Chron. 20:35–37).According to both accounts, the ships were wrecked before they couldset sail. On several other points, however, the two versions of thestory disagree in ways that bear on questions of the political andeconomic conditions of Israelite seafaring.

Bythis time, Israel and Judah had split into separate kingdoms, withthe northern kingdom of Israel being geographically and politicallycloser to the Phoenicians. The powerful King Ahab of Israel,Jehoshaphat’s contemporary through much of his reign, marriedJezebel, the daughter of the Sidonian (Phoenician) king Ethbaal(1Kings 16:31). According to 1Kings, King Ahaziah ofIsrael (Ahab’s son) proposed to cooperate with Jehoshaphat bysending his own men on the voyage, much as Hiram had assisted Solomonin the previous century. Jehoshaphat rejected the suggestion,possibly indicating a bid for Judean autonomy in an era of northerndominance. According to 2Chronicles, however, Jehoshaphat didcooperate willingly with Ahaziah, and this was the reason that theships foundered in port: God punished the righteous Jehoshaphat fortoo close a relationship with his wicked northern counterpart. In1Kings 22:47 it is mentioned that at the time of Jehoshaphat’sventure there was no king in Edom. As noted, control of the overlandroute between Judah and the Red Sea was necessary for the success ofany voyage originating from Ezion Geber.

Howeverthe contradiction between 1Kings and 2Chroniclesregarding the involvement of Ahaziah is resolved, both versions ofthe story highlight the fact that the port at Ezion Geber commandedthe interest of the Judeans, the Israelites, and the Phoenicians, andits successful operation probably depended on the cooperation of allthree.

Shipsof Tarshish.Several biblical texts, including the stories of Solomon andJehoshaphat, mention “ships of Tarshish” (1Kings10:22 NIV mg.). In a number of contexts, such ships are associatedwith the transportation of metals and metal ores, including iron,lead, tin, gold, and silver (1Kings 10:22; Ezek. 27:12; Jer.10:9). The exact derivation of the term “ships of Tarshish”is uncertain, though it is clear from the descriptions of theircargoes that such ships could travel over long distances. As Ezekielobserves, “The ships of Tarshish serve as carriers for yourwares. You are filled with heavy cargo as you sail the sea. Youroarsmen take you out to the high seas” (Ezek. 27:25–26).

Inthe Table of Nations, Tarshish is listed as a descendant of Javan(Gen. 10:4), along with a number of other seafaring peoples of theeastern Mediterranean (“Javan” indicates the peoples ofthe Aegean and is linguistically equivalent to “Ionia”[see also Ezek. 27:12–22]). Some have suggested, then, that theships of Tarshish should be associated with Tarsus in southeasternTurkey, an area containing silver mines (also the birthplace of Paul[Acts 9:11]). Others have suggested the Phoenician colony ofTartessus in Spain, another metal-producing area. This locationfigures in the interpretation of the identification of thedestination of Jonah as Tarshish (Jon. 1:3): presumably, if he wereavoiding Nineveh and departing from Joppa, he would head towardSpain, in the exact opposite direction, rather than toward Tarsus inCilicia.

Inaddition to these two geographical options, some have attempted toexplain the expression “ships of Tarshish” as derivingfrom the Akkadian term for smelting or refining: perhaps the manyreferences to cargoes of metals indicate that the ships were used totransport metal ore to refining centers. Finally, one scholar hasproposed that the term is related to the Greek word tarsos,meaning “oar.”

Descriptionsof ships and seafaring.Ezekiel, in his lament concerning the Phoenician city of Tyre (Ezek.27), relates a number of details related to Phoenician seafaring. Thepicture largely confirms the descriptions of how Solomon built andmanned his fleet with the assistance of his Tyrian ally. Timber forthe construction of the ship came from Lebanon and Cyprus, amongother places (vv. 5–6). Sails were made from Egyptian linen(v.7), and as noted above, the oarsmen and sailors were fromthe Phoenician city-states (vv. 8–9). Ezekiel goes on to list alarge number of ports of call as well as a dazzling variety ofcargoes (vv. 12–24). Notably, Ezekiel has the Judahites and theIsraelites offering the products of their agrarian economy—“wheatfrom Minnith and confections, honey, olive oil and balm”(v.17)—thus filling out the picture of what theIsraelites gave in exchange for the precious metals and luxury itemsimported by their country from elsewhere.

In1999 archaeologists explored two eighth-century BC Phoenician shipsthat had sunk thirty miles west of Ashkelon. The ships, eachmeasuring about fifty feet in length, contained large cargoes of wineand were headed either for Egypt or for the Phoenician colonies inthe western Mediterranean.

Shipsand sailing figure prominently in the story of Jonah, who boarded aship bound for Tarshish (see discussion above) at Joppa on theMediterranean coast. In the story we see a number of features ofancient sea travel. Jonah paid a fare for his voyage (Jon. 1:3). Notonly the biblical author (see 1:4), but also the presumablynon-Israelite sailors, believed that the great storm was the doing ofa god, and that it could be calmed by appealing to that god(1:6)—although cargo was thrown overboard for good measure.When Paul was caught in a storm in the first century AD, the samestrategies were still in use (Acts 27:38). The religious habits ofancient sailors, particularly their reverence for the gods whocontrolled the stormy seas and thus held their lives in the balance,are illuminated by the discovery of stone anchors in several temples(presumably left by sailors as offerings), including at the portcities of Ugarit, Kition, and Byblos.

Psalm107:23–32 speaks of God’s care of sailors from anIsraelite perspective. In the psalm, those who “went out on thesea in ships,” the “merchants on the mighty waters”(i.e., the deep, open sea), witness firsthand the works of the God ofIsrael, which include both the raising and the quieting of the storm.This passage vividly expresses the terror of being caught in a stormand the great relief and gratitude felt by sailors who reached safehaven.

Noah’sArk

Accordingto the biblical account, Noah’s ark was 450 feet long, 75 feetwide, and 45 feet high (300 cubits by 50 cubits by 30 cubits [Gen.6:15]). It had three decks, a roof, and a window. By comparison, theship of Uta-napishti in the Epic of Gilgamesh is described as havingsix decks (and thus seven stories), edges of 180 feet (ten dozencubits) in each dimension, and occupying the space of an acre (arough approximation of the dimensions given). Both ships aredescribed as providing space for the builder’s family and everyliving creature. In the Atrahasis Epic, the boat is roofed, but itsdimensions are not given.

Becauseof the character of Gen. 6–8, it is inappropriate to drawconclusions from the story regarding shipbuilding in historicalantiquity. According to the specifications given in the biblicaltext, Noah’s ark would have been the largest wooden ship inhistory, equaled only by the United States schooner Wyoming,completed in 1909. While the overall length of the Wyoming was also450 feet, nearly 100 feet of length was accounted for in the fore andaft booms, so that the hull length was only 350 feet. Even with earlytwentieth-century shipbuilding technology, its extravagant lengthrendered the Wyoming unseaworthy, and the ship foundered in 1924. Thelargest documented wooden ships of antiquity include the GreekSyracusia(third century BC; 180 feet), described by Athenaeus; the Roman Isis(second century AD; 180 feet), described by Lucian; Caligula’s“Giant Ship” (first century AD; 341 feet), recovered inmodern times and possibly corresponding to a ship described by Plinythe Elder; and PtolemyIV’s Tessarakonteres (third centuryBC), reported by Plutarch to have been about 425 feet long. This lastship was not designed for cruising in open water.

NewTestament

Fishingin the Sea of Galilee. Severalof Jesus’ disciples worked as fishermen on the Sea of Galilee,and the Gospels document their use of small boats for fishing andtraveling across the sea. Fishing was done with nets thrown both fromboats and from the shore (Mark 1:16, 19). The boats used by fishermenon the Sea of Galilee may have been small enough to pull up onto thebeach (Luke 5:2), or to be nearly capsized by a large catch of fish(Luke 5:7) or by a violent storm (Mark 4:37). They were large enoughto transport several men and even to sleep in (Mark 4:38). Such boatscould be rowed or sailed; in Mark 6:48 the disciples had to resort torowing because of an unfavorable headwind. On one occasion, Jesusstood in a boat to preach to a crowd gathered on the shore (Mark4:1). The Sea of Galilee is about eight miles wide and thirteen mileslong. On several occasions, Jesus traveled by boat across the sea toavoid having to walk long distances around its circumference (e.g.,Matt. 9:1; 14:22; 15:39).

In1986 archaeologists recovered a fishing boat dating to the mid-firstcentury AD on the shore of the Sea of Galilee. The boat had beenscuttled near the shore and was preserved under mud. The “JesusBoat,” as it was dubbed, measures twenty-seven feet in lengthand has a beam seven and a half feet long. Numerous species of woodwere used in its construction and repairs throughout its useful life.While there is no evidence to link the boat to Jesus or hisdisciples, radiometric dating places it in the correct period, and itprovides a likely model of the type of boat portrayed in the Gospels.

Asecond source of information regarding ships and sailing in the NT isthe account in Acts of Paul’s many sea voyages. As in the caseof Jehoshaphat, the Tyrians, Jonah, and Jesus’ disciples, Paullearned firsthand the perils of seafaring in small wooden boats:among his many traumas, along with beatings and stonings, herecalled, “Three times I was shipwrecked, I spent a night and aday in the open sea” (2Cor. 11:25).

Paul’sjourneys.A survey of Paul’s sea travels on his four journeys gives someidea of the routes that could be taken by a paying traveler in theeastern Mediterranean and Aegean.

1.Paul’s first missionary journey included voyages from Seleuciain Syria to the port of Salamis in Cyprus (Acts 13:4) and from Cyprus(Paphos) to Perga on the southern coast of Asia Minor (13:13). Afterjourneying through the interior, Paul returned to Attalia, where heembarked for the return trip to Syria, presumably passing againthrough the port at Salamis (14:26).

2.The second missionary journey began not with a sea voyage but ratherwith a trek through the interior of Syria and Cilicia, illustratingthat although sea travel was by far a more rapid means of travel, theoverland routes were by no means impossible (Acts 15:39). Paul wouldrepeat this land route during his third journey (19:1). Sea travelwas fast, but when one had plenty of friends along the alternativeland route, a sea journey was considerably less enjoyable. It isduring the second journey that we have the first recorded accounts ofPaul sailing in the Aegean. From Troas in Asia Minor, he sailed theshort distance to Macedonia (16:11), putting in midway at the islandof Samothrace. Apparently, Paul traveled by sea down the coast fromBerea to Athens (17:14). At the conclusion of his second journey,Paul sailed from Corinth to Caesarea, with a stop at Ephesus(18:18–22). Not counting any intervening ports of call notmentioned in the text, this would be the longest single leg of seatravel so far mentioned.

3.The third missionary journey once more began with a long overlandtrip from Syria through Asia Minor; by this time, Paul had manyassociates along the way to visit. Again, he sailed in the Aegean,from Ephesus to Macedonia (Acts 20:1) and back (20:6). At one point,Paul opted to travel overland, from Troas to Assos, while hiscompanions sailed down the coast (20:13). Meeting up with them, hesailed on, hugging the coast of Asia Minor, then sailing south ofCyprus along an open-water route to Tyre. From Tyre, the ship againhugged the Palestinian coast, stopping in several ports before Pauldisembarked at Caesarea (21:7). Paul’s journeys illustrate thevariety of itineraries taken by ships. They were capable of sailingin deep water, but they would also hug the coast when there werereasons to make frequent stops.

4.Paul’s fourth journey, which he made in custody on his way to atrial before the emperor at Rome, was to be the most dangerous. Fromthe account in Acts we can glean a number of details of life at seain the first century AD. The ship bound for Italy was large, and itcarried 276 passengers and crew (Acts 27:6, 37), including soldiersand prisoners, at least one companion of a prisoner (Paul’sfriend Aristarchus [27:2]), a ship’s pilot, and the ship’sowner (27:11). Sailors used celestial navigation (27:20) and tooksoundings in shallow water (27:28). We see also that the ship’scourse could be determined by the direction of the prevailing winds:twice during the journey Paul’s ship was forced to sail to thelee of large islands (Cyprus and Crete)—a longer journey, butthe only option for a ship that was not rigged to sail close-hauled.

Whenextended periods of unfavorable weather were forecast, one option wassimply to put in at a port until conditions improved, preferably in aharbor that was in the lee of an island (Acts 27:12). We learnsomething of the measures that were taken in heavy weather, many ofwhich are still used in modern times: ropes were tied around the hullof the ship to prevent it from breaking up in rough seas (27:17), thelifeboat was brought onto the deck and made fast (27:17), sea anchorswere deployed to keep the bow of the ship oriented into the oncomingwaves (27:7), the rudder was lashed amidships (27:40), valuable cargoand gear were jettisoned (27:19, 38), and, as in the days of Jonah,sailors and passengers prayed for divine deliverance (27:29; see alsothe protective emblems in 28:11).

Whenall other means had been exhausted, a ship could be run aground on asandy beach (Acts 27:39), a measure that would have risked damage tothe boat but saved lives. In the case of Paul’s ship, thedecision to run aground ultimately resulted in the destruction of theship (27:41).

Metaphorsand illustrations.Several NT authors draw illustrations from the nautical world. Jameslikens the harmful power of evil speech to the rudder of a ship:although it is a small device, by it the pilot can control a greatship (James 3:4–5). Elsewhere, he compares the doubting of theunwise person to being lost at sea in a storm (James 1:6; cf. Eph.4:14). In 1Tim. 1:19 the loss of faith and good conscience islikened to a shipwreck. Hebrews 6:19 describes the assurance of God’sfaithfulness as an anchor for the soul.

Jacob laid his head upon a stone while he slept (Gen. 28:11).The use of a hard object as a pillow recalls carved wooden pillowsknown from Egypt. Michal used an article made of goat hair todisguise an idol as a sleeping person (1Sam. 19:13). Althoughin 1Sam. 19:13 some versions translate the Hebrew word kebir as“pillow,” it probably refers to a net over the head of asleeping person. Some older English translations use “pillow”to render a Hebrew word (mera’ashah) that probably referssimply to the place where the head is laid (1Sam. 26:7; 1Kings19:6). Other obscure passages perhaps refer to pillows (Prov. 7:16;Amos 3:12).

Jesusslept on a pillow or cushion in a boat (Mark 4:38). Elsewhere, theGospels state that he did not have a “place to lay his head”(Matt. 8:20; Luke 9:58). See also Bed.

OldTestament

Phoeniciansand Philistines. Asa people whose ancestral territory lay in the landlocked andtimber-poor highlands of Ephraim and Judah, the Israelites ofbiblical times never achieved prominence in seafaring orshipbuilding. Instead, they relied for their maritime enterprises onalliances with their coastal neighbors, particularly the Phoenicianstates to the north of Israel, who excelled in seafaring and hadaccess to the abundant timber forests of Lebanon. The Phoenicians(the Punics of classical antiquity) were famous in antiquity fortheir seafaring. In biblical times, they traded heavily betweenSyria-Palestine and Egypt and also sailed throughout theMediterranean, establishing colonies as far away as Tunisia(Carthage) and Spain (Cadiz).

Anotherseagoing people prominent in the OT were the Philistines, whose baseof power was to the west of Judah, along the Mediterranean coast. TheBible associates the Philistines with the five cities of Ashdod,Ashkelon, Ekron, Gath, and Gaza. The Philistines were among the SeaPeoples, who came to the Levant from the Aegean beginning in thetwelfth century BC (Amos 9:7; Jer. 47:4).

Theperennial enmity between the Philistines and the Israelites precludedjoint maritime ventures of the sort shared by Israel and thePhoenicians, and the Bible does not describe Philistine maritimeactivities in any depth. Nevertheless, the seagoing nature of thePhilistines is reflected by the fact that their settlements remainedconfined to the coastal region. They never made a systematic attemptto take over the traditionally Israelite and Judahite highlands. Whenthey did venture into the Judean mountains, it was to assert amilitary and political presence among the agrarian Israelites andJudahites rather than to establish permanent settlements andPhilistine population centers. Twelfth-century BC reliefs at MedinetHabu (in the mortuary temple of RamessesIII) depict a navalbattle between the Sea Peoples and the Egyptians. The reliefs includepictures of Philistine ships and sailors.

Israeliteseafaring.One of the rare references to Israelite seafaring describes theDanites and the Asherites in connection with ships and harbors (Judg.5:17; see also Ezek. 27:19). Traditional Danite territory overlappedwith the area of Philistine settlement. Asherite territory overlappedsubstantially with Phoenician territory. It is possible that Judg.5:17 refers to the fact that the Danites and the Asherites worked inthe port cities serving Philistine and Phoenician shipping. Inanother passage, Zebulun is associated with ports (Gen. 49:13). It isnoteworthy that the Israelite coast between Jaffa and Dor (roughlybetween Philistia and Phoenicia) does not have an abundance ofnatural harbors. Later, Herod the Great would build the artificialharbor at Caesarea in the first century BC. The great expense of sucha project—including the construction of over 2,500 feet ofbreakwaters made of underwater concrete, mostly imported fromItaly—suggests the extent of the need for secure harbors inthis region.

Solomon’sfleet.The zenith of Israelite seafaring occurred during the reign ofSolomon. Solomon built a fleet of ships at “Ezion Geber, whichis near Elath in Edom, on the shore of the Red Sea” (1Kings9:26). The purpose of these ships was to bring back gold from Ophir(1Kings 9:28), possibly a location in the Arabian Peninsula, towhich a port on the Red Sea would have offered ready access. Thestory confirms the aforementioned dependence on the Phoenicians inthe area of seafaring: although the ships belonged to Solomon, “Hiram[the Phoenician king of Tyre] sent his men—sailors who knew thesea—to serve in the fleet with Solomon’s men”(1Kings 9:27). The timber for the ships would also have beenimported by Israel from Phoenicia (see 1Kings 9:11). Even atthe height of its power, Israel lacked the human resources to embarkon sea voyages independently of the Phoenicians.

Thesuccess of Solomon’s project, of course, depended not only onwarm relations with the Phoenicians but also on territorial controlof the historically Edomite lands between Judah and the Red Sea. Thisfavorable combination of conditions would come and go throughout thebiblical period, and with it, Israel’s modest presence on theseas. From the Phoenician point of view, cooperation with Israel wasan essential component of gaining access to a Red Sea port, and withit to the products of Arabia, the Horn of Africa, and India. ThePhoenicians, as expansive as their travel was in the Mediterranean,could never independently control the long overland route fromPhoenicia to the Red Sea, since it ran through the territory ofIsrael and Edom. Their best hope was a friendly and powerfulIsraelite ally. This explains the cordial relationship and why Hiramsent not only his sailors to serve Solomon but also craftsmen andsupplies for the construction of the temple (1Kings 5:10–12).Solomon and Hiram jointly operated “a fleet of trading ships”that would return to port every three years bringing “gold,silver, and ivory, and apes and baboons” (1Kings 10:22).

Jehoshaphat.In the mid-ninth century BC, King Jehoshaphat of Judah attempted torepeat Solomon’s feat of launching a fleet from Ezion Geber(1Kings 22:48–49; 2Chron. 20:35–37).According to both accounts, the ships were wrecked before they couldset sail. On several other points, however, the two versions of thestory disagree in ways that bear on questions of the political andeconomic conditions of Israelite seafaring.

Bythis time, Israel and Judah had split into separate kingdoms, withthe northern kingdom of Israel being geographically and politicallycloser to the Phoenicians. The powerful King Ahab of Israel,Jehoshaphat’s contemporary through much of his reign, marriedJezebel, the daughter of the Sidonian (Phoenician) king Ethbaal(1Kings 16:31). According to 1Kings, King Ahaziah ofIsrael (Ahab’s son) proposed to cooperate with Jehoshaphat bysending his own men on the voyage, much as Hiram had assisted Solomonin the previous century. Jehoshaphat rejected the suggestion,possibly indicating a bid for Judean autonomy in an era of northerndominance. According to 2Chronicles, however, Jehoshaphat didcooperate willingly with Ahaziah, and this was the reason that theships foundered in port: God punished the righteous Jehoshaphat fortoo close a relationship with his wicked northern counterpart. In1Kings 22:47 it is mentioned that at the time of Jehoshaphat’sventure there was no king in Edom. As noted, control of the overlandroute between Judah and the Red Sea was necessary for the success ofany voyage originating from Ezion Geber.

Howeverthe contradiction between 1Kings and 2Chroniclesregarding the involvement of Ahaziah is resolved, both versions ofthe story highlight the fact that the port at Ezion Geber commandedthe interest of the Judeans, the Israelites, and the Phoenicians, andits successful operation probably depended on the cooperation of allthree.

Shipsof Tarshish.Several biblical texts, including the stories of Solomon andJehoshaphat, mention “ships of Tarshish” (1Kings10:22 NIV mg.). In a number of contexts, such ships are associatedwith the transportation of metals and metal ores, including iron,lead, tin, gold, and silver (1Kings 10:22; Ezek. 27:12; Jer.10:9). The exact derivation of the term “ships of Tarshish”is uncertain, though it is clear from the descriptions of theircargoes that such ships could travel over long distances. As Ezekielobserves, “The ships of Tarshish serve as carriers for yourwares. You are filled with heavy cargo as you sail the sea. Youroarsmen take you out to the high seas” (Ezek. 27:25–26).

Inthe Table of Nations, Tarshish is listed as a descendant of Javan(Gen. 10:4), along with a number of other seafaring peoples of theeastern Mediterranean (“Javan” indicates the peoples ofthe Aegean and is linguistically equivalent to “Ionia”[see also Ezek. 27:12–22]). Some have suggested, then, that theships of Tarshish should be associated with Tarsus in southeasternTurkey, an area containing silver mines (also the birthplace of Paul[Acts 9:11]). Others have suggested the Phoenician colony ofTartessus in Spain, another metal-producing area. This locationfigures in the interpretation of the identification of thedestination of Jonah as Tarshish (Jon. 1:3): presumably, if he wereavoiding Nineveh and departing from Joppa, he would head towardSpain, in the exact opposite direction, rather than toward Tarsus inCilicia.

Inaddition to these two geographical options, some have attempted toexplain the expression “ships of Tarshish” as derivingfrom the Akkadian term for smelting or refining: perhaps the manyreferences to cargoes of metals indicate that the ships were used totransport metal ore to refining centers. Finally, one scholar hasproposed that the term is related to the Greek word tarsos,meaning “oar.”

Descriptionsof ships and seafaring.Ezekiel, in his lament concerning the Phoenician city of Tyre (Ezek.27), relates a number of details related to Phoenician seafaring. Thepicture largely confirms the descriptions of how Solomon built andmanned his fleet with the assistance of his Tyrian ally. Timber forthe construction of the ship came from Lebanon and Cyprus, amongother places (vv. 5–6). Sails were made from Egyptian linen(v.7), and as noted above, the oarsmen and sailors were fromthe Phoenician city-states (vv. 8–9). Ezekiel goes on to list alarge number of ports of call as well as a dazzling variety ofcargoes (vv. 12–24). Notably, Ezekiel has the Judahites and theIsraelites offering the products of their agrarian economy—“wheatfrom Minnith and confections, honey, olive oil and balm”(v.17)—thus filling out the picture of what theIsraelites gave in exchange for the precious metals and luxury itemsimported by their country from elsewhere.

In1999 archaeologists explored two eighth-century BC Phoenician shipsthat had sunk thirty miles west of Ashkelon. The ships, eachmeasuring about fifty feet in length, contained large cargoes of wineand were headed either for Egypt or for the Phoenician colonies inthe western Mediterranean.

Shipsand sailing figure prominently in the story of Jonah, who boarded aship bound for Tarshish (see discussion above) at Joppa on theMediterranean coast. In the story we see a number of features ofancient sea travel. Jonah paid a fare for his voyage (Jon. 1:3). Notonly the biblical author (see 1:4), but also the presumablynon-Israelite sailors, believed that the great storm was the doing ofa god, and that it could be calmed by appealing to that god(1:6)—although cargo was thrown overboard for good measure.When Paul was caught in a storm in the first century AD, the samestrategies were still in use (Acts 27:38). The religious habits ofancient sailors, particularly their reverence for the gods whocontrolled the stormy seas and thus held their lives in the balance,are illuminated by the discovery of stone anchors in several temples(presumably left by sailors as offerings), including at the portcities of Ugarit, Kition, and Byblos.

Psalm107:23–32 speaks of God’s care of sailors from anIsraelite perspective. In the psalm, those who “went out on thesea in ships,” the “merchants on the mighty waters”(i.e., the deep, open sea), witness firsthand the works of the God ofIsrael, which include both the raising and the quieting of the storm.This passage vividly expresses the terror of being caught in a stormand the great relief and gratitude felt by sailors who reached safehaven.

Noah’sArk

Accordingto the biblical account, Noah’s ark was 450 feet long, 75 feetwide, and 45 feet high (300 cubits by 50 cubits by 30 cubits [Gen.6:15]). It had three decks, a roof, and a window. By comparison, theship of Uta-napishti in the Epic of Gilgamesh is described as havingsix decks (and thus seven stories), edges of 180 feet (ten dozencubits) in each dimension, and occupying the space of an acre (arough approximation of the dimensions given). Both ships aredescribed as providing space for the builder’s family and everyliving creature. In the Atrahasis Epic, the boat is roofed, but itsdimensions are not given.

Becauseof the character of Gen. 6–8, it is inappropriate to drawconclusions from the story regarding shipbuilding in historicalantiquity. According to the specifications given in the biblicaltext, Noah’s ark would have been the largest wooden ship inhistory, equaled only by the United States schooner Wyoming,completed in 1909. While the overall length of the Wyoming was also450 feet, nearly 100 feet of length was accounted for in the fore andaft booms, so that the hull length was only 350 feet. Even with earlytwentieth-century shipbuilding technology, its extravagant lengthrendered the Wyoming unseaworthy, and the ship foundered in 1924. Thelargest documented wooden ships of antiquity include the GreekSyracusia(third century BC; 180 feet), described by Athenaeus; the Roman Isis(second century AD; 180 feet), described by Lucian; Caligula’s“Giant Ship” (first century AD; 341 feet), recovered inmodern times and possibly corresponding to a ship described by Plinythe Elder; and PtolemyIV’s Tessarakonteres (third centuryBC), reported by Plutarch to have been about 425 feet long. This lastship was not designed for cruising in open water.

NewTestament

Fishingin the Sea of Galilee. Severalof Jesus’ disciples worked as fishermen on the Sea of Galilee,and the Gospels document their use of small boats for fishing andtraveling across the sea. Fishing was done with nets thrown both fromboats and from the shore (Mark 1:16, 19). The boats used by fishermenon the Sea of Galilee may have been small enough to pull up onto thebeach (Luke 5:2), or to be nearly capsized by a large catch of fish(Luke 5:7) or by a violent storm (Mark 4:37). They were large enoughto transport several men and even to sleep in (Mark 4:38). Such boatscould be rowed or sailed; in Mark 6:48 the disciples had to resort torowing because of an unfavorable headwind. On one occasion, Jesusstood in a boat to preach to a crowd gathered on the shore (Mark4:1). The Sea of Galilee is about eight miles wide and thirteen mileslong. On several occasions, Jesus traveled by boat across the sea toavoid having to walk long distances around its circumference (e.g.,Matt. 9:1; 14:22; 15:39).

In1986 archaeologists recovered a fishing boat dating to the mid-firstcentury AD on the shore of the Sea of Galilee. The boat had beenscuttled near the shore and was preserved under mud. The “JesusBoat,” as it was dubbed, measures twenty-seven feet in lengthand has a beam seven and a half feet long. Numerous species of woodwere used in its construction and repairs throughout its useful life.While there is no evidence to link the boat to Jesus or hisdisciples, radiometric dating places it in the correct period, and itprovides a likely model of the type of boat portrayed in the Gospels.

Asecond source of information regarding ships and sailing in the NT isthe account in Acts of Paul’s many sea voyages. As in the caseof Jehoshaphat, the Tyrians, Jonah, and Jesus’ disciples, Paullearned firsthand the perils of seafaring in small wooden boats:among his many traumas, along with beatings and stonings, herecalled, “Three times I was shipwrecked, I spent a night and aday in the open sea” (2Cor. 11:25).

Paul’sjourneys.A survey of Paul’s sea travels on his four journeys gives someidea of the routes that could be taken by a paying traveler in theeastern Mediterranean and Aegean.

1.Paul’s first missionary journey included voyages from Seleuciain Syria to the port of Salamis in Cyprus (Acts 13:4) and from Cyprus(Paphos) to Perga on the southern coast of Asia Minor (13:13). Afterjourneying through the interior, Paul returned to Attalia, where heembarked for the return trip to Syria, presumably passing againthrough the port at Salamis (14:26).

2.The second missionary journey began not with a sea voyage but ratherwith a trek through the interior of Syria and Cilicia, illustratingthat although sea travel was by far a more rapid means of travel, theoverland routes were by no means impossible (Acts 15:39). Paul wouldrepeat this land route during his third journey (19:1). Sea travelwas fast, but when one had plenty of friends along the alternativeland route, a sea journey was considerably less enjoyable. It isduring the second journey that we have the first recorded accounts ofPaul sailing in the Aegean. From Troas in Asia Minor, he sailed theshort distance to Macedonia (16:11), putting in midway at the islandof Samothrace. Apparently, Paul traveled by sea down the coast fromBerea to Athens (17:14). At the conclusion of his second journey,Paul sailed from Corinth to Caesarea, with a stop at Ephesus(18:18–22). Not counting any intervening ports of call notmentioned in the text, this would be the longest single leg of seatravel so far mentioned.

3.The third missionary journey once more began with a long overlandtrip from Syria through Asia Minor; by this time, Paul had manyassociates along the way to visit. Again, he sailed in the Aegean,from Ephesus to Macedonia (Acts 20:1) and back (20:6). At one point,Paul opted to travel overland, from Troas to Assos, while hiscompanions sailed down the coast (20:13). Meeting up with them, hesailed on, hugging the coast of Asia Minor, then sailing south ofCyprus along an open-water route to Tyre. From Tyre, the ship againhugged the Palestinian coast, stopping in several ports before Pauldisembarked at Caesarea (21:7). Paul’s journeys illustrate thevariety of itineraries taken by ships. They were capable of sailingin deep water, but they would also hug the coast when there werereasons to make frequent stops.

4.Paul’s fourth journey, which he made in custody on his way to atrial before the emperor at Rome, was to be the most dangerous. Fromthe account in Acts we can glean a number of details of life at seain the first century AD. The ship bound for Italy was large, and itcarried 276 passengers and crew (Acts 27:6, 37), including soldiersand prisoners, at least one companion of a prisoner (Paul’sfriend Aristarchus [27:2]), a ship’s pilot, and the ship’sowner (27:11). Sailors used celestial navigation (27:20) and tooksoundings in shallow water (27:28). We see also that the ship’scourse could be determined by the direction of the prevailing winds:twice during the journey Paul’s ship was forced to sail to thelee of large islands (Cyprus and Crete)—a longer journey, butthe only option for a ship that was not rigged to sail close-hauled.

Whenextended periods of unfavorable weather were forecast, one option wassimply to put in at a port until conditions improved, preferably in aharbor that was in the lee of an island (Acts 27:12). We learnsomething of the measures that were taken in heavy weather, many ofwhich are still used in modern times: ropes were tied around the hullof the ship to prevent it from breaking up in rough seas (27:17), thelifeboat was brought onto the deck and made fast (27:17), sea anchorswere deployed to keep the bow of the ship oriented into the oncomingwaves (27:7), the rudder was lashed amidships (27:40), valuable cargoand gear were jettisoned (27:19, 38), and, as in the days of Jonah,sailors and passengers prayed for divine deliverance (27:29; see alsothe protective emblems in 28:11).

Whenall other means had been exhausted, a ship could be run aground on asandy beach (Acts 27:39), a measure that would have risked damage tothe boat but saved lives. In the case of Paul’s ship, thedecision to run aground ultimately resulted in the destruction of theship (27:41).

Metaphorsand illustrations.Several NT authors draw illustrations from the nautical world. Jameslikens the harmful power of evil speech to the rudder of a ship:although it is a small device, by it the pilot can control a greatship (James 3:4–5). Elsewhere, he compares the doubting of theunwise person to being lost at sea in a storm (James 1:6; cf. Eph.4:14). In 1Tim. 1:19 the loss of faith and good conscience islikened to a shipwreck. Hebrews 6:19 describes the assurance of God’sfaithfulness as an anchor for the soul.

The human body has its origin in the act of creation by Goddepicted in Gen. 2:7, so that it comes under the heading of the “verygood” evaluation at the close of the six days of creation(1:31). In neither the OT nor the NT is the body viewed as evil, incontrast to the ancient Greek view that saw the human body as aprison of the soul and viewed death as a release from this bondage.This contributes to the Bible’s positive view of humansexuality when properly expressed in a committed marriagerelationship, one notable example being the mutual admiration of theman and the woman who are deeply in love in Song of Songs, where wefind a head-to-toe description of the man’s physique (5:10–16)and a corresponding description of the woman’s body (7:1–8).

OldTestament.In the OT, death is regularly described as a returning of the body tothe dust/ground from which it was made (e.g., Gen. 3:19; Ps. 90:3).The dignity of the human body is signaled by the importance of properburial (Deut. 21:22–23), which is a cultic rather than a healthregulation in the OT. The outrage committed by the Philistines on thebodies of Saul and his sons (1 Sam. 31), the deliberatedesecration of tombs (2 Kings 23:16; Amos 2:1), and leaving anenemy unburied are ways of expressing utter contempt. The ensuring ofproper burial (even of strangers) becomes a mark of Jewish piety, asexemplified in Tob. 2:1–10; 12:11–15.

TheHebrew word nepesh (often translated “soul”) can be usedof a dead body (e.g., Lev. 21:11; Num. 6:6; 19:13; Hag. 2:13), thoughthis word has a wide range of meaning (sometimes it means “throat”).This usage is not to be taken as signifying that the soul/bodydistinction is not recognized. On the contrary, in OT teaching “body”(whatever the Hebrew word used) always refers to the physical body,not to the whole human person that is bipartite (body/soul) within anoverall psychophysical unity. The reference in Mic. 6:7 (NIV: “thefruit of my body”) is really to the “womb” (cf.Deut. 28:4), and the Hebrew word in question, beten, can refer to amale body insofar as it is involved in procreation (Ps. 132:11).

NewTestament.Hebrews insists on the real humanity of Jesus (2:14–18), andthe Gospels portray him as having the normal physical requirements ofdrink, food, and sleep (Mark 4:38; John 4:7–8). To deny thatJesus Christ came “in the flesh” strikes at the heart ofthe gospel and is the spirit of the antichrist (1 John 4:2–3).For atonement to take place, it was required that Jesus offer himselfbody and soul to God through death (Heb. 10:5–10, 20). At theLast Supper, when Jesus said, “This is my body” (Matt.26:26), his meaning was that the bread represented his body, whichwould be offered on the cross as the sacrifice that makes possiblethe inauguration of the new covenant (cf. Exod. 24:1–8).

Thebodily resurrection of Jesus is evidenced by the empty tomb (Mark16:4–6) and the appearance of the risen Christ to his followers(e.g., Luke 24:36–43; see the list of witnesses in 1 Cor.15:5–8). This is a fundamental point of Christian doctrine andgospel proclamation, providing assurance to believers that they toowill be physically raised from the dead (1 Cor. 15:42–52),a belief found already in the OT (Dan. 12:2). Salvation in the Bibleembraces the redemption of the body and the renewal of the physicalcreation. At the time of Christ’s return, believers will beraised from their graves and meet their returning Lord (1 Thess.4:13–18).

Inwhat is acknowledged by all to be a difficult passage (2 Cor.5:1–9), Paul appears to envisage that at the point of death hewill not become a disembodied soul but instead will “be clothedwith [his] heavenly dwelling” (5:4). The expression “awayfrom the body” (5:8) is not to be taken as an indication ofbodiless existence, but rather is explained by “at home withthe Lord” and refers to the believer’s state upon leavingthis earthly life. The nature of the “spiritual body” in1 Cor. 15:35–49 is only hinted at by means of analogies(e.g., the seed) or contrasts (between the “perishable”and the “imperishable”), but its physicality (thoughgloriously transformed) is plain. Perhaps our clearest indication isprovided by what we are told of the resurrection body of Jesus, whichcould pass through grave clothes (Luke 24:12; John 20:5–7),appear and disappear in a closed room (Luke 24:31, 36), and ingestfood and be touched (Luke 24:37–43).

Paulmade use the “body” analogy for the character of thechurch as the “body of Christ” (1 Cor. 12:12–26),viewing it as an organism consisting of different, mutually dependentmembers or organs. This teaching was designed to rebuke and correctthe self-glorifying and self-serving use and abuse of spiritual giftsin the Corinthian church. So too, the reality of the Christiancommunity as a “body” (1 Cor. 10:17; 11:29) showedthat their uncaring attitude toward each other manifested at theirsuppers was totally inappropriate. In the same letter Paul says thatthe believer’s “body” is united to Christ, makingsexual immorality a thing to be shunned (6:12–20). Believersare to glorify God in their bodies. The analogy of the body is used alittle differently in Ephesians (1:23; 2:16) and Colossians (1:18,24), where its point is that Christ is the “head” of thebody (the church), which therefore must submit to his direction andrule. Believers are to pre­sent their “bodies” as aliving sacrifice, serving the master who redeemed them (Rom.12:1). The verse that follows gives the other side to theequation: serving God with the mind (12:2). Body and mind togethermake up the complete human being, who is a psychosomatic unity. Seealso Gestures.

In the Bible chaos primarily refers to an opposite conditionto the orderliness of the creation or a mythical force oftenrepresented by the sea or the sea monster(s) (translated as “dragon,”“Leviathan,” or “Rahab”). The two relatedideas are based on the creation accounts recorded in Gen. 1–2and other places.

OldTestament.In Gen. 1:2 chaos is the state of darkness and desolation (note thephrase “formless and empty” [Heb. tohu wabohu], whichprobably refers to the state of desolation of water with nothing init; cf. Isa. 34:11; 45:18). The rest of the chapter describes how Godin his absolute sovereignty and power—only with hiswords—creates order in place of the chaos. God brings light tothe darkness, separates the land from the sea, and provides the landwith abundance. The portrayal of the garden of Eden (2:4–14)further describes God’s provision of orderliness, fertility,eternal life, and harmony in the original creation.

Althoughthe Genesis account does not directly mention any mythical elements(i.e., the primordial combat between the sea and the prime god),other passages describe creation as the event in which God calmed theraging sea and killed the sea monsters (Pss. 74:12–17; 89:9–12;Job 26:7–14). Still, nowhere are the chaotic forces presentedas an independent power that constantly challenges God’ssovereignty. Rather, God always does whatever he pleases with them,lifting up the waves of the sea (Ps. 107:25; Jer. 31:35; cf. Ps.146:6) and uncovering Death and Destruction (Job 26:6). Isaiahalludes to God’s slaying of the chaotic sea creature not onlyas the past event (51:9), but also as the promise to be realized inthe day of the Lord (27:1).

InGenesis, God’s judgment is frequently described by means of thechaos motif, as a pre­creation condition reversed—forexample, loss of harmony, fruitfulness, and eternal life (Gen.3:15–24), return of the waters over the land (Gen. 7–8),loss of communication (11:7–9), and desolation of the fruitfulland (19:23–28; cf. 13:10).

Thechaos motif also plays an important role in the propheticdescriptions of God’s judgment against his people and againstthe foreign nations. Noteworthy is Jer. 4:23–26, which depictsGod’s judgment upon his people in terms of chaos’sreturn—that is, the condition of “formless and empty,”without light, creatures, or fruitful land (cf. Hos. 4:3). In Isa.34:11 God’s judgment upon Edom is expressed with thecharacteristic phrase in Gen. 1:2: “God will stretch out overEdom the measuring line of chaos [tohu, ‘formless’] andthe plumb line of desolation [bohu, ‘empty’].” Inother places Isaiah frequently employs the imageries of desolation(5:6; 7:23–25; 13:19–22; 24:1–13; 34:8–17),darkness (5:30; 8:22; 13:10), and flood (8:7–8).

NewTestament.The concept of chaos developed in the OT provides an importantbackground for understanding the NT. The Gospel writers use the chaosmotif in describing Jesus’ person and work—for example,as light in the darkness (John 1:4–9; 3:19), as provider ofabundance and eternal life (John 3:16; 4:14; 5:51; 6:1–15), andas the sovereign ruler of the chaotic sea, who walks on the water(Matt. 14:22–36; Mark 6:47–55; John 6:16–21) andcalms the stormy sea with his words (Matt. 8:23–27; Mark4:35–41; Luke 8:22–25). Jesus’ resurrection is hisultimate demonstration of his reign over death (cf. 1 Cor. 15).

Paulfurther uses the chaos motif to describe the life of sinners or thesinful world. The identity of believers is changed from “darkness”to “light” or “children of light,” who nowmust shine the light in the world (Eph. 5:8; cf. Matt. 5:15–16;Phil. 2:15).

Inthe book of Revelation the ultimate restoration of the perfectcreation order is presented, making allusions to the OT mythicaldescriptions of the chaotic forces (e.g., Satan as the dragon[12:15–16], Death and Hades as the underground forces[20:13–14]). Particularly, the new Jerusalem is the place of nosea or darkness or death (21:1, 4, 23–25) but of fruitfulnessand eternal life (22:1–2).

The founder of what became known as the movement of Jesusfollowers or Christianity. For Christian believers, Jesus Christembodies the personal and supernatural intervention of God in humanhistory.

Introduction

Name.Early Christians combined the name “Jesus” with the title“Christ” (Acts 5:42; NIV: “Messiah”). Thename “Jesus,” from the Hebrew Yehoshua or Yeshua, was acommon male name in first-century Judaism. The title “Christ”is from the Greek christos, a translation of the Hebrew mashiakh(“anointed one, messiah”). Christians eventually werenamed after Jesus’ title (Acts 11:26). During the ministry ofJesus, Peter was the first disciple to recognize Jesus as the Messiah(Matt. 16:16; Mark 9:29; Luke 9:20).

Sources.From the viewpoint of Christianity, the life and ministry of Jesusconstitute the turning point in human history. From a historicalperspective, ample early source materials would be expected. Indeed,both Christian and non-Christian first-century and earlysecond-century literary sources are extant, but they are few innumber. In part, this low incidence is due to society’s initialresistance to the Jesus followers’ movement. The ancient Romanhistorian Tacitus called Christianity “a superstition,”since its beliefs did not fit with the culture’s prevailingworldview and thus were considered antisocial. Early literary sourcestherefore are either in-group documents or allusions in non-Christiansources.

TheNT Gospels are the principal sources for the life and ministry ofJesus. They consist of Matthew, Mark, Luke (the Synoptic Gospels),and John. Most scholars adhere to the so-called Four SourceHypothesis. In this theory, Mark was written first and was used as asource by Matthew and Luke, who also used the sayings source Q (fromGerman Quelle, meaning “source”) as well as their ownindividual sources M (Matthew) and L (Luke). John used additionalsources.

Theearly church tried to put together singular accounts, so-calledGospel harmonies, of the life of Jesus. The Gospel of the Ebionitesrepresents one such attempt based on the Synoptic Gospels. Anotherharmony, the Diatessaron, based on all four Gospels, was producedaround AD 170 by Tatian. Additional source materials concerning thelife of Christ are provided in the NT in texts such as Acts, thePauline Epistles, the General Epistles, and the Revelation of John.Paul wrote to the Galatians, “But when the time had fully come,God sent his Son, born of a woman, born under law” (Gal. 4:4).The first narrative about Jesus by the Christian community was apassion narrative, the account of his death and resurrection. Thefirst extant references to this tradition are found in Paul’sletters (1Cor. 2:2; Gal. 3:1). The resurrection was recognizedfrom the beginning as the cornerstone of the Christian faith (1Cor.15:13–14).

Amongnon-Christian sources, the earliest reference to Jesus is found in aletter written circa AD 112 by Pliny the Younger, the Roman governorof Bithynia-Pontus (Ep. 10.96). The Roman historian Tacitus mentionsChristians and Jesus around AD 115 in his famous work about thehistory of Rome (Ann. 15.44). Another Roman historian, Suetonius,wrote around the same time concerning unrest among the Jews in Romebecause of a certain “Chrestos” (Claud. 25.4). Somescholars conclude that “Chrestos” is a misspelling of“Christos,” a reference to Jesus.

TheJewish author Josephus (first century AD) mentions Jesus in a storyabout the Jewish high priest Ananus and James the brother of Jesus(Ant. 20.200). A controversial reference to Jesus appears in adifferent part of the same work, where Josephus affirms that Jesus isthe Messiah and that he rose from the dead (Ant. 18.63–64). Themajority of scholars consider this passage to be authentic butheavily edited by later Christian copyists. Another Jewish source,the Talmud, also mentions Jesus in several places, but thesereferences are very late and of little historical value.

NoncanonicalGospels that mention Jesus include, for example, the Infancy Gospelof Thomas, the Gospel of Thomas, the Gospel of Peter, the Gospel ofJames, the Gospel of Judas Iscariot, the Gospel of the Hebrews, theEgerton Gospel, and the Gospel of Judas. Although some of these maycontain an occasional authentic saying or event, for the most partthey are late and unreliable.

Jesus’Life

Birthand childhood. TheGospels of Matthew and Luke record Jesus’ birth in Bethlehemduring the reign of Herod the Great (Matt. 2:1; Luke 2:4, 11). Jesuswas probably born between 6 and 4 BC, shortly before Herod’sdeath (Matt. 2:19). Both Matthew and Luke record the miracle of avirginal conception made possible by the Holy Spirit (Matt. 1:18;Luke 1:35). Luke mentions a census under the Syrian governorQuirinius that was responsible for Jesus’ birth taking place inBethlehem (2:1–5). Both the census and the governorship at thetime of the birth of Jesus have been questioned by scholars.Unfortunately, there is not enough extrabiblical evidence to eitherconfirm or disprove these events, so their veracity must bedetermined on the basis of one’s view regarding the generalreliability of the Gospel tradition.

Onthe eighth day after his birth, Jesus was circumcised, in keepingwith the Jewish law, at which time he officially was named “Jesus”(Luke 2:21). He spent his growing years in Nazareth, in the home ofhis parents, Joseph and Mary (2:40). Of the NT Gospels, the Gospel ofLuke contains the only brief portrayal of Jesus’ growth instrength, wisdom, and favor with God and people (2:40, 52). Luke alsocontains the only account of Jesus as a young boy (2:41–49).

Jesuswas born in a lower socioeconomic setting. His parents offered atemple sacrifice appropriate for those who could not afford tosacrifice a sheep (Luke 2:22–24; cf. Lev. 12:8). Joseph, Jesus’earthly father, was a carpenter or an artisan in wood, stone, ormetal (Matt. 13:55). From a geographical perspective, Nazareth wasnot a prominent place for settling, since it lacked fertile ground.Jesus’ disciple Nathanael expressed an apparently commonfirst-century sentiment concerning Nazareth: “Nazareth! Cananything good come from there?” (John 1:46).

Jesuswas also born in a context of scandal. Questions of illegitimacy weresurely raised, since his mother Mary was discovered to be pregnantbefore her marriage to Joseph. According to Matthew, only theintervention of an angel convinced Joseph not to break his betrothal(Matt. 1:18–24). Jesus’ birth took place in Bethlehem,far from his parents’ home in Nazareth. According to kinshiphospitality customs, Joseph and Mary would have expected to stay withdistant relatives in Bethlehem. It is likely that they were unwelcomebecause of Jesus’ status as an illegitimate child; thus Maryhad to give birth elsewhere and place the infant Jesus in a feedingtrough (Luke 2:7). A similar response was seen years later inNazareth when Jesus was identified as “Mary’s son”(Mark 6:3) rather than through his paternal line, thereby shaming himas one who was born an illegitimate child. Jesus was likewiserejected at the end of his life as the crowds cried, “Crucifyhim!” (Matt. 27:22–23; Mark 15:13–14; Luke 23:21;John 19:6, 15). When Jesus was arrested, most of his followers fled(Matt. 26:56; Mark 14:50–52), and a core disciple, Peter,vehemently denied knowing him (Matt. 26:69–74; Mark 14:66–71;Luke 22:55–60; John 18:15–17, 25–27). His ownsiblings did not believe in him (John 7:5) and were evidently ashamedof his fate, since from the cross Jesus placed the care of his motherinto the hands of “the disciple whom he loved” (19:26–27)rather than the next brother in line, as was customary.

Baptism,temptation, and start of ministry.After Jesus was baptized by the prophet John the Baptist (Luke3:21–22), God affirmed his pleasure with him by referring tohim as his Son, whom he loved (Matt. 3:17; Mark 1:11; Luke 3:22).Jesus’ baptism did not launch him into fame and instantministry success; instead, Jesus was led by the Spirit into thewilderness, where he was tempted for forty days (Matt. 4:1–11;Mark 1:12–13; Luke 4:1–13). Mark stresses that thetemptations immediately followed the baptism. Matthew and Lukeidentify three specific temptations by the devil, though their orderfor the last two is reversed. Both Matthew and Luke agree that Jesuswas tempted to turn stones into bread, expect divine interventionafter jumping off the temple portico, and receive all the world’skingdoms for worshiping the devil. Jesus resisted all temptation,quoting Scripture in response.

Matthewand Mark record that Jesus began his ministry in Capernaum inGalilee, after the arrest of John the Baptist (Matt. 4:12–13;Mark 1:14). Luke says that Jesus started his ministry at about thirtyyears of age (3:23). This may be meant to indicate full maturity orperhaps correlate this age with the onset of the service of theLevites in the temple (cf. Num. 4:3). John narrates the beginning ofJesus’ ministry by focusing on the calling of the disciples andthe sign performed at a wedding at Cana (1:35–2:11).

Jesus’public ministry: chronology.Jesus’ ministry started in Galilee, probably around AD 27/28,and ended with his death around AD 30 in Jerusalem. The temple hadbeen forty-six years in construction (generally interpreted as thetemple itself and the wider temple complex) when Jesus drove out themoney changers (John 2:20). According to Josephus, the rebuilding andexpansion of the second temple had started in 20/19 BC, during theeighteenth year of Herod’s reign (Ant. 15.380). The ministry ofJohn the Baptist had commenced in the fifteenth year of Tiberius(Luke 3:1–2), who had become a coregent in AD 11/12. From thesedates of the start of the temple building and the correlation of thereign of Tiberius to John the Baptist’s ministry, the onset ofJesus’ ministry can probably be dated to AD 27/28.

TheGospel of John mentions three Passovers and another unnamed feast inJohn 5:1. The length of Jesus’ ministry thus extended overthree or four Passovers, equaling about three or three and a halfyears. Passover, which took place on the fifteenth of Nisan, came ona Friday in AD 30 and 33. The year of Jesus’ death wastherefore probably AD 30.

Jesus’ministry years may be divided broadly into his Galilean and hisJudean ministries. The Synoptic Gospels describe the ministry inGalilee from various angles but converge again as Jesus enters Judea.

Galileanministry.The early stages of Jesus’ ministry centered in and aroundGalilee. Jesus presented the good news and proclaimed that thekingdom of God was near. Matthew focuses on the fulfillment ofprophecy (Matt. 4:13–17). Luke records Jesus’ firstteaching in his hometown, Nazareth, as paradigmatic (Luke 4:16–30);the text that Jesus quoted, Isa. 61:1–2, set the stage for hiscalling to serve and revealed a trajectory of rejection andsuffering.

AllGospels record Jesus’ gathering of disciples early in hisGalilean ministry (Matt. 4:18–22; Mark 1:16–20; Luke5:1–11; John 1:35–51). The formal call and commissioningof the Twelve who would become Jesus’ closest followers isrecorded in different parts of the Gospels (Matt. 10:1–4; Mark3:13–19; Luke 6:12–16). A key event in the early ministryis the Sermon on the Mount/Plain (Matt. 5:1–7:29; Luke6:20–49). John focuses on Jesus’ signs and miracles, inparticular in the early parts of his ministry, whereas the Synopticsfocus on healings and exorcisms.

DuringJesus’ Galilean ministry, onlookers struggled with hisidentity. However, evil spirits knew him to be of supreme authority(Mark 3:11). Jesus was criticized by outsiders and by his own family(3:21). The scribes from Jerusalem identified him as a partner ofBeelzebul (3:22). Amid these situations of social conflict, Jesustold parables that couched his ministry in the context of a growingkingdom of God. This kingdom would miraculously spring from humblebeginnings (4:1–32).

TheSynoptics present Jesus’ early Galilean ministry as successful.No challenge or ministry need superseded Jesus’ authority orability: he calmed a storm (Mark 4:35–39), exorcized manydemons (Mark 5:1–13), raised the dead (Mark 5:35–42), fedfive thousand (Mark 6:30–44), and walked on water (Mark6:48–49).

Inthe later part of his ministry in Galilee, Jesus often withdrew andtraveled to the north and the east. The Gospel narratives are notwritten with a focus on chronology. However, only brief returns toGalilee appear to have taken place prior to Jesus’ journey toJerusalem. As people followed Jesus, faith was praised and fearresolved. Jerusalem’s religious leaders traveled to Galilee,where they leveled accusations and charged Jesus’ discipleswith lacking ritual purity (Mark 7:1–5). Jesus shamed thePharisees by pointing out their dishonorable treatment of parents(7:11–13). The Pharisees challenged his legitimacy by demandinga sign (8:11). Jesus refused them signs but agreed with Peter, whoconfessed, “You are the Messiah” (8:29). Jesus didprovide the disciples a sign: his transfiguration (9:2–8).

Jesuswithdrew from Galilee to Tyre and Sidon, where a Syrophoenician womanrequested healing for her daughter. Jesus replied, “I was sentonly to the lost sheep of Israel” (Matt. 15:24). Galileans hadlong resented the Syrian provincial leadership partiality thatallotted governmental funds in ways that made the Jews receive mere“crumbs.” Consequently, when the woman replied, “Eventhe dogs eat the crumbs that fall from their master’s table,”Jesus applauded her faith (Matt. 15:27–28). Healing a deaf-muteman in the Decapolis provided another example of Jesus’ministry in Gentile territory (Mark 7:31–37). Peter’sconfession of Jesus as the Christ took place during Jesus’travel to Caesarea Philippi, a well-known Gentile territory. The citywas the ancient center of worship of the Hellenistic god Pan.

Judeanministry.Luke records a geographic turning point in Jesus’ ministry ashe resolutely set out for Jerusalem, a direction that eventually ledto his death (Luke 9:51). Luke divides the journey to Jerusalem intothree phases (9:51–13:21; 13:22–17:10; 17:11–19:27).The opening verses of phase one emphasize a prophetic element of thejourney. Jesus viewed his ministry in Jerusalem as his mission, andthe demands on discipleship intensified as Jesus approached Jerusalem(Matt. 20:17–19, 26–28; Mark 10:38–39, 43–45;Luke 14:25–35). Luke presents the second phase of the journeytoward Jerusalem with a focus on conversations regarding salvationand judgment (Luke 13:22–30). In the third and final phase ofthe journey, the advent of the kingdom and the final judgment are themain themes (17:20–37; 19:11–27).

Socialconflicts with religious leaders increased throughout Jesus’ministry. These conflicts led to lively challenge-riposteinteractions concerning the Pharisaic schools of Shammai and Hillel(Matt. 19:1–12; Mark 10:1–12). Likewise, socioeconomicfeathers were ruffled as Jesus welcomed young children, who hadlittle value in society (Matt. 19:13–15; Mark 10:13–16;Luke 18:15–17).

PassionWeek, death, and resurrection. Eachof the Gospels records Jesus’ entry into Jerusalem with thecrowds extending him a royal welcome (Matt. 21:4–9; Mark11:7–10; Luke 19:35–38; John 12:12–15). Lukedescribes Jesus’ ministry in Jerusalem as a time during whichJesus taught in the temple as Israel’s Messiah (19:45–21:38).

InJerusalem, Jesus cleansed the temple of profiteering (Mark 11:15–17).Mark describes the religious leaders as fearing Jesus because thewhole crowd was amazed at his teaching, and so they “beganlooking for a way to kill him” (11:18). Dismayed, each segmentof Jerusalem’s temple leadership inquired about Jesus’authority (11:27–33). Jesus replied with cunning questions(12:16, 35–36), stories (12:1–12), denunciation(12:38–44), and a prediction of Jerusalem’s owndestruction (13:1–31). One of Jesus’ own disciples, JudasIscariot, provided the temple leaders the opportunity for Jesus’arrest (14:10–11).

Atthe Last Supper, Jesus instituted a new Passover, defining a newcovenant grounded in his sufferings (Matt. 26:17–18, 26–29;Mark 14:16–25; Luke 22:14–20). He again warned thedisciples of his betrayal and arrest (Matt. 26:21–25, 31; Mark14:27–31; Luke 22:21–23; John 13:21–30), and laterhe prayed for the disciples (John 17:1–26) and prayed in agonyand submissiveness in the garden of Gethsemane (Matt. 26:36–42;Mark 14:32–42; Luke 22:39–42). His arrest, trial,crucifixion, death, and resurrection followed (Matt. 26:46–28:15;Mark 14:43–16:8; Luke 22:47–24:9; John 18:1–20:18).Jesus finally commissioned his disciples to continue his mission bymaking disciples of all the nations (Matt. 28:18–20; Acts 1:8)and ascended to heaven with the promise that he will one day return(Luke 24:50–53; Acts 1:9–11).

TheIdentity of Jesus Christ

Variousaspects of Jesus’ identity are stressed in the four NT Gospels,depending on their target audiences. In the Gospels the witnesses toJesus’ ministry are portrayed as constantly questioning andexamining his identity (Matt. 11:2–5; 12:24; 26:63; 27:11; Mark3:22; 8:11; 11:28; 14:61; Luke 7:18–20; 11:15; 22:67, 70;23:39; John 7:20, 25–27; 18:37). Only beings of the spiritualrealm are certain of his divinity (Mark 1:34; 3:11; Luke 4:41). AtJesus’ baptism, God referred to him as his Son, whom he loved(Matt. 3:17; Mark 1:11; Luke 3:22). Likewise, when Jesus wastransfigured in the presence of Peter, James, and John, a voiceaffirmed, “This is my Son, whom I love” (Matt. 17:5; Mark9:7). At the moment of his death, the questioning of Jesus’identity culminated in a confession by a Roman centurion and otherguards: “Surely he was the Son of God!” (Matt. 27:54; cf.Mark 15:39).

Miracleworker.In the first-century setting, folk healers and miracle workers werepart of the fabric of society. Jesus, however, performed signs andmiracles in order to demonstrate the authority of the kingdom of Godover various realms: disease, illness, the spiritual world, nature,and even future events. Especially in the Gospel of John, Jesus’signs and miracles are used to show his authority and thus hisidentity.

Nochallenge superseded Jesus’ authority. Among his ample miraclesand signs, he changed water into wine (John 2:7–9), calmed astorm in the sea (Matt. 8:23–27; Mark 4:35–39; Luke8:22–25), exorcized demons (Matt. 9:32–34; Mark 5:1–13;Luke 9:42–43), healed the sick (Mark 1:40–44), raised thedead (Matt. 9:23–25; Mark 5:35–42; Luke 7:1–16;8:49–54; John 11:17, 38–44), performed miraculousfeedings (Matt. 14:17–21; 15:34–38; Mark 6:30–44;8:5–9; Luke 9:10–17; John 6:8–13), and walked onwater (Matt. 14:25–26; Mark 6:48–49; John 6:19).

ThePharisees requested miracles as evidence of his authority (Mark8:11–12). Jesus refused, claiming that a wicked and adulterousgeneration asks for a miraculous sign (Matt. 12:38–39; 16:1–4).The only sign that he would give was the sign of Jonah—hisdeath and resurrection three days later—a personal sacrifice,taking upon himself the judgment of the world (Matt. 12:39–41).

Rabbi/teacher.Jesus’ teaching style was similar to other first-century rabbisor Pharisees (Mark 9:5; 10:51; John 1:38; 3:2). What distinguishedhim was that he spoke with great personal authority (Matt. 5:22, 28,32, 39, 44; Mark 1:22). Like other rabbis of his day, Jesus gathereddisciples. He called these men to observe his lifestyle and to joinhim in his ministry of teaching, healing, and exorcism (Matt. 10:1–4;Mark 3:13–19; Luke 6:12–16).

Jesusused a variety of teaching methods. He frequently spoke in parables(Matt. 6:24; 13:24–52; 18:10–14, 23–35;21:28–22:14; 24:32–36, 45–51; 25:14–30; Mark4:1–34; 12:1–12; 13:28–34; Luke 8:4–18;12:41–46; 13:18–21; 14:15–24; 15:1–16:15,19–31; 18:1–14; 19:11–27; 20:9–19; 21:29–33),used figures of speech (John 10:9), hyperbole (Matt. 19:24; Mark10:25; Luke 18:25), argumentation (Matt. 26:11), object lessons(Matt. 24:32), frequent repetition (Matt. 13:44–47; Luke13:18–21), practical examples, and personal guidance.

Majorthemes in Jesus’ teaching include the kingdom of God, the costof discipleship, internal righteousness, the end of the age, hisidentity, his mission, and his approaching death. In his teachings,observance of Torah was given new context and meaning because God’skingdom had “come near” (Matt. 3:2). Jesus had come tofulfill the law (Matt. 5:17).

Jesus’teaching ministry often took place amid social conflict. Theseconflicts were couched in so-called challenge-riposte interactions inwhich the honor status of those involved was at stake. Jesus usedthese interactions as teachable moments. When questioned, Jesus gavereplies that reveal omniscience or intimate knowledge of God’swill, especially in the Gospel of John. In the Synoptic Gospels,Jesus’ answers are both ethical and practical in nature. TheSynoptics portray Jesus as challenged repeatedly with accusations ofviolating customs specified in the Jewish law. Jesus’ answersto such accusations often echoed the essence of 1Sam. 15:22,“To obey is better than sacrifice,” phrased by Jesus as“I desire mercy, not sacrifice” (Matt. 9:13; 12:7). Anoverall “better than” ethic was common in Jesus’public teaching.

TheSermon on the Mount (Matt. 5–7) contains a “better than”ethic in which internal obedience is better than mere outwardobedience. For example, Jesus said that anger without cause is equalto murder (Matt. 5:21–22), that looking at a woman lustfullyamounts to adultery (Matt. 5:28), and that instead of revengingwrongs one must reciprocate with love (Matt. 5:38–48). Jesusvalued compassion above traditions and customs, even those containedwithin the OT law. He desired internal obedience above the letter ofthe law.

Jesus’teachings found their authority in the reality of God’simminent kingdom (Matt. 3:2; 10:7; Mark 1:15; Luke 10:9),necessitating repentance (Matt. 3:2), belief (Mark 1:15), dependence(Matt. 18:3–5; Mark 10:15), and loyalty to a new community—thefamily of Jesus followers (Mark 3:34; 10:29–30). Jesus urged,“Seek first [God’s] kingdom and his righteousness”(Matt. 6:33). Preaching with such urgency was common among propheticteachers of the intertestamental period. Jesus, however, had his owngrounds for urgency. He held that God deeply valued all humans (Matt.10:31) and would bring judgment swiftly (Matt. 25:31–46).

Examplesof a “greater good” ethic in the Synoptics include theoccasions when Jesus ate with sinners (Mark 2:16–17). Jesusused an aphorism in response to accusations about his associationswith sinners, saying, “It is not the healthy who need a doctor,but the sick. I have not come to call the righteous, but sinners”(Mark 2:17). He advocated harvesting and healing on the Sabbath (Mark2:23–28; 3:1–6), and when he was accused of breaking thelaw, he pointed to an OT exception (1Sam. 21:1–6) todeclare compassion appropriate for the Sabbath. Jesus also appliedthe “greater good” ethic in the case of divorce, sincewomen suffered the societal stigma of adultery and commonly becameoutcasts following divorce (Matt. 19:8–9; Mark 10:5–9).

Jesus’kingdom teachings were simultaneously spiritual, ethical, andeschatological in application. The teachings were aimed at internaltransformation (Matt. 5:3–9; 18:3; Mark 10:15) and spurring onlove (Matt. 5:44; 7:21). The Spirit of the Lord had called Jesus tobless the hurting ones as they aspired to a godly character. Jesustaught, “Be perfect, therefore, as your heavenly Father isperfect” (Matt. 5:48), and “Be merciful, just as yourFather is merciful” (Luke 6:36). The “blessed” onesin Jesus’ teachings are poor of spirit, peace driven, mournful,and hungry for righteousness, consumed with emulating godlycharacter.

Somescholars believe that Jesus promoted an “interim ethic”for the kingdom, intended only for a short period prior to the end oftime. However, he was explicit regarding the longevity of histeachings: “Heaven and earth will pass away, but my words willnever pass away” (Matt. 24:35; Luke 16:17).

Messiah.The concept of an anointed one, a messiah, who would restore theglories of David’s kingdom and bring political stability wascommon in Jewish expectation. Both before and after the Babyloniancaptivity, many Jews longed for one who would bring peace andprotection. Israel’s prophets had spoken of a coming deliverer,one who would restore David’s kingdom and reign in justice andrighteousness (2Sam. 7:11–16; Isa. 9:1–7; 11:1–16;Jer. 23:5–6; 33:15–16; Ezek. 37:25; Dan. 2:44; Mic. 5:2;Zech. 9:9). Isaiah’s description of the servant (Isa. 53) whosesuffering healed the nation provided a slightly different angle ofexpectation in terms of a deliverer.

Jesus’authority and popularity as a miracle worker called up messianicimages in first-century Jewish minds. On several occasions hearerscalled him “Son of David,” hoping for the Messiah (Matt.12:23; 21:9). Simon Peter was the first follower who confessed Jesusas the Christ, the “Messiah” (Matt. 16:16; Mark 8:29). Inline with Isaiah’s model of the Suffering Servant, Jesusfocused not on political ends but rather on spiritual regenerationthrough his own sacrificial death (Mark 10:45).

Eschatologicalprophet.Many scholars claim that Jesus is best understood as a Jewishapocalypticist, an eschatological prophet who expected God tointervene in history, destroy the wicked, and bring in the kingdom ofGod. Central in this understanding are Jesus’ propheciesconcerning the destruction of the temple in Jerusalem (Matt. 24:1–2,15–22; Mark 13:1; Luke 21:5–24; John 2:19; Acts 6:14). Inaddition, it is noted that Jesus had twelve disciples, representativeof the twelve tribes of Israel (Matt. 19:2–28; Luke 22:23–30).Certain of Jesus’ parables, those with apocalyptic images ofcoming judgment, present Jesus as an eschatological prophet (Matt.24:45–25:30; Luke 12:41–46; 19:11–27).

SufferingSon of God.Jesus’ first recorded teaching in a synagogue in Nazareth wasparadigmatic (Luke 4:16–21). He attributed the reading, Isa.61:1–2, to his personal calling to serve, and in doing so herevealed a trajectory of suffering. The Gospel of Mark likewise aptlyportrays Jesus as the suffering Son of God. Jesus’ ownteachings incorporated his upcoming suffering (Mark 8:31; 9:12–13,31; 10:33–34). He summarized his mission by declaring, “TheSon of Man did not come to be served, but to serve, and to give hislife as a ransom for many” (Mark 10:45). His earthly careerended with a trial in Jerusalem consisting of both Roman and Jewishcomponents (Matt. 26:57–68; 27:1–31; Mark 14:53–65;15:1–20; Luke 22:54–23:25; John 18:19–24;18:28–19:16). He was insulted, scourged, mocked, and crucified.

Jesus’suffering culminated in his humiliating death by crucifixion (Matt.27:33–50; Mark 15:22–37; Luke 23:33–46; John19:16–30). Crucifixion was a death of unimaginable horror,bringing shame and humiliation to the victim and his family. Anyonehanging on a tree was considered cursed (Deut. 21:23; Gal. 3:13).Thus, especially in a Jewish society, anyone associated with acrucified person bore the shame of following one who was executed asa lowly slave and left as a cursed corpse. The apostle Paul referredto this shame of the cross when he stated, “I am not ashamed ofthe gospel” (Rom. 1:16).

ExaltedLord.Jesus had prophesied that he would rise again (Matt. 16:21; 17:9, 23;20:19; 27:63; Mark 8:31; 9:9, 31; 10:34; Luke 9:22; 18:33; 24:7, 46).The testimony of the Synoptics is that the resurrection of JesusChrist indeed occurred on the third day, Christ having died on Friday(Mark 15:42–45; Luke 23:52–54; John 19:30–33) andrisen again on Sunday (Matt. 28:1–7; Mark 16:2–7; Luke24:1–7; John 20:1–16). The resurrected Jesus waswitnessed by the women (Matt. 28:8–9), the eleven disciples(Matt. 28:16–17; Luke 24:36–43), and travelers on theroad to Emmaus (Luke 24:31–32). According to Paul, he appearedto as many as five hundred others (1Cor. 15:6). He appeared inbodily form, spoke, showed his scars, and ate (Luke 24:39–43;John 20:27; Acts 1:4). After forty postresurrection days, Jesusascended into the heavenly realm (Acts 1:9).

Asmuch as Jesus’ death was the epitome of shame, his victory overdeath was his ultimate exaltation (Phil. 2:5–11). At Pentecost,Peter proclaimed that in the resurrection God fulfilled OT promises(Ps. 16:10) by raising his Son from the grave (Acts 2:30–31).Furthermore, Christ provided freedom from the law through hisresurrection (Rom. 5:13–14), God’s approval of his lifeand work (Phil. 2:8–9), and God’s designation of him asLord over all the earth, the living and the dead (Acts 17:30–31;Phil. 2:10; Heb. 1:3), and over all his enemies (Eph. 1:20–23).

Jesus’exaltation commenced the beginning of forgiveness and justification(Luke 24:46–47; Acts 13:30–39; Rom. 4:25) and hisintercession for the people of God (Rom. 8:34). His ascensionsignaled the coming of the Holy Spirit as comforter and teacher (John14:26; Acts 2:33) and was accompanied by the promise of his return inglory (Luke 24:51), at which time he will render judgment (Matt.19:28; 24:31; Rev. 20:11–15) and establish his eternal kingdom(1Cor. 15:24; 2Tim. 4:1; Rev. 11:15; 22:5).

Jesus’Purpose and Community

Inthe Gospel of Matthew, Jesus is the long-awaited Messiah, whopreaches the good news of the kingdom, urging people to repent(4:17–23). Repentance and belief allow one to enter thekingdom. The call into the kingdom is a call into a new covenant, onemade in Jesus’ blood (26:28).

Inthe prologue to the Gospel of Mark, the narrator reveals the identityof Jesus (1:1). Jesus is presented as the one who brings good tidingsof salvation (cf. Isa. 40:9; 52:7; 61:1). The centrality of thegospel, the good news (Mark 1:14–15), is evident.

Lukelikewise presents the preaching of the good news as a main purpose ofJesus’ ministry (4:43). The content of this good news is thekingdom of God (4:43; 8:1; 16:16). When the disciples of John theBaptist asked Jesus if he was the one who was to come (7:20), Jesusanswered, “Go back and report to John what you have seen andheard: The blind receive sight, the lame walk, those who have leprosyare cleansed, the deaf hear, the dead are raised, and the good newsis proclaimed to the poor” (7:22). The kingdom of God, aspresented in Luke, brings freedom for the prisoners, recovery ofsight for the blind, and release for the oppressed (4:18). Jesus’healings and exorcisms announce the coming kingdom of God alreadypresent in the ministry of Jesus (4:40–44; 6:18–20;8:1–2; 9:2; 10:8–9).

Inthe Gospel of John, Jesus testifies to the good news by way of signsthroughout his ministry. These signs point to Jesus’ glory, hisidentity, and the significance of his ministry. Jesus is the Messiah,the Son of God, who offers eternal and abundant life. This abundantlife is lived out in community.

Inthe Gospel of John, the disciples of Jesus represent the community ofGod (17:21). The disciples did not belong to the world, but theycontinued to live in the world (17:14–16). Throughout hisministry, Jesus called his disciples to follow him. This was a callto loyalty (Matt. 10:32–40; 16:24–26; Mark 8:34–38;Luke 9:23–26), a call to the family of God (Matt. 12:48–50;Mark 3:33–35). Jesus’ declaration “On this rock Iwill build my church” (Matt. 16:18) was preceded by the call tocommunity. Jesus’ presence as the head of the community wasreplaced by the promised Spirit (John 14:16–18).

Jesus’ministry continued in the community of Jesus’ followers, God’sfamily—the church. Entrance into the community was obtained byadopting the values of the kingdom, belief, and through theinitiation rite of baptism (Matt. 10:37–39; 16:24–26;Mark 8:34–38; Luke 9:23–26, 57–62; John 1:12; 3:16;10:27–29; Acts 2:38; 16:31–33; 17:30; Rom. 10:9).

TheQuests for the Historical Jesus

Thequest for the historical Jesus, or seeking who Jesus was from ahistorical perspective, is a modern phenomenon deemed necessary byscholars who claim that the NT Gospels were written long after Jesus’death and were heavily influenced by the post-Easter understanding ofthe church.

Thebeginning of this quest is often dated to 1770, when the lecturenotes of Hermann Samuel Reimarus were published posthumously.Reimarus had launched an inquiry into the identity of Jesus thatrejected as inauthentic all supernatural elements in the Gospels. Heconcluded that the disciples invented Jesus’ miracles,prophecies, ritualistic religion, and resurrection. Reimarus’sconclusions were not widely accepted, but they set off a flurry ofrationalistic research into the historical Jesus that continuedthroughout the nineteenth century. This became known as the “firstquest” for the historical Jesus.

In1906 German theologian Albert Schweit-zer published The Quest of theHistorical Jesus (German title: Von Reimarus zu Wrede: EineGeschichte der Leben-Jesu-Forschung), a scathing indictment of thefirst quest. Schweitzer’s work showed that nineteenth-centuryresearchers re-created Jesus in their own image, transforming thehistorical Jesus into a modern philanthropist preaching aninoffensive message of love and brotherhood. Schweitzer’sconclusions marked the beginning of the end for this first quest.Schweitzer himself concluded that the historical Jesus was aneschatological prophet whose purposes failed during his last days inJerusalem.

Withthe demise of the first quest, some NT scholars, such as RudolfBultmann, rejected any claim to being able to discover the historicalJesus. This trend continued until 1953, when some of Bultmann’sformer students launched what has come to be known as the “newquest” for the historical Jesus (1953–c. 1970). Thisquest created new interest in the historical Jesus but was stilldominated by the view that the portrait of Jesus in the Gospels islargely a creation of the church in a post-Easter setting.

Asthe rebuilding years of the post–World WarII era wanedand scholars started to reap academic fruit from major archaeologicalfinds such as the DSS, research on the historical Jesus moved on towhat has been called the “third quest.” This quest seeksespecially to research and understand Jesus in his social andcultural setting.

OldTestament

Phoeniciansand Philistines. Asa people whose ancestral territory lay in the landlocked andtimber-poor highlands of Ephraim and Judah, the Israelites ofbiblical times never achieved prominence in seafaring orshipbuilding. Instead, they relied for their maritime enterprises onalliances with their coastal neighbors, particularly the Phoenicianstates to the north of Israel, who excelled in seafaring and hadaccess to the abundant timber forests of Lebanon. The Phoenicians(the Punics of classical antiquity) were famous in antiquity fortheir seafaring. In biblical times, they traded heavily betweenSyria-Palestine and Egypt and also sailed throughout theMediterranean, establishing colonies as far away as Tunisia(Carthage) and Spain (Cadiz).

Anotherseagoing people prominent in the OT were the Philistines, whose baseof power was to the west of Judah, along the Mediterranean coast. TheBible associates the Philistines with the five cities of Ashdod,Ashkelon, Ekron, Gath, and Gaza. The Philistines were among the SeaPeoples, who came to the Levant from the Aegean beginning in thetwelfth century BC (Amos 9:7; Jer. 47:4).

Theperennial enmity between the Philistines and the Israelites precludedjoint maritime ventures of the sort shared by Israel and thePhoenicians, and the Bible does not describe Philistine maritimeactivities in any depth. Nevertheless, the seagoing nature of thePhilistines is reflected by the fact that their settlements remainedconfined to the coastal region. They never made a systematic attemptto take over the traditionally Israelite and Judahite highlands. Whenthey did venture into the Judean mountains, it was to assert amilitary and political presence among the agrarian Israelites andJudahites rather than to establish permanent settlements andPhilistine population centers. Twelfth-century BC reliefs at MedinetHabu (in the mortuary temple of RamessesIII) depict a navalbattle between the Sea Peoples and the Egyptians. The reliefs includepictures of Philistine ships and sailors.

Israeliteseafaring.One of the rare references to Israelite seafaring describes theDanites and the Asherites in connection with ships and harbors (Judg.5:17; see also Ezek. 27:19). Traditional Danite territory overlappedwith the area of Philistine settlement. Asherite territory overlappedsubstantially with Phoenician territory. It is possible that Judg.5:17 refers to the fact that the Danites and the Asherites worked inthe port cities serving Philistine and Phoenician shipping. Inanother passage, Zebulun is associated with ports (Gen. 49:13). It isnoteworthy that the Israelite coast between Jaffa and Dor (roughlybetween Philistia and Phoenicia) does not have an abundance ofnatural harbors. Later, Herod the Great would build the artificialharbor at Caesarea in the first century BC. The great expense of sucha project—including the construction of over 2,500 feet ofbreakwaters made of underwater concrete, mostly imported fromItaly—suggests the extent of the need for secure harbors inthis region.

Solomon’sfleet.The zenith of Israelite seafaring occurred during the reign ofSolomon. Solomon built a fleet of ships at “Ezion Geber, whichis near Elath in Edom, on the shore of the Red Sea” (1Kings9:26). The purpose of these ships was to bring back gold from Ophir(1Kings 9:28), possibly a location in the Arabian Peninsula, towhich a port on the Red Sea would have offered ready access. Thestory confirms the aforementioned dependence on the Phoenicians inthe area of seafaring: although the ships belonged to Solomon, “Hiram[the Phoenician king of Tyre] sent his men—sailors who knew thesea—to serve in the fleet with Solomon’s men”(1Kings 9:27). The timber for the ships would also have beenimported by Israel from Phoenicia (see 1Kings 9:11). Even atthe height of its power, Israel lacked the human resources to embarkon sea voyages independently of the Phoenicians.

Thesuccess of Solomon’s project, of course, depended not only onwarm relations with the Phoenicians but also on territorial controlof the historically Edomite lands between Judah and the Red Sea. Thisfavorable combination of conditions would come and go throughout thebiblical period, and with it, Israel’s modest presence on theseas. From the Phoenician point of view, cooperation with Israel wasan essential component of gaining access to a Red Sea port, and withit to the products of Arabia, the Horn of Africa, and India. ThePhoenicians, as expansive as their travel was in the Mediterranean,could never independently control the long overland route fromPhoenicia to the Red Sea, since it ran through the territory ofIsrael and Edom. Their best hope was a friendly and powerfulIsraelite ally. This explains the cordial relationship and why Hiramsent not only his sailors to serve Solomon but also craftsmen andsupplies for the construction of the temple (1Kings 5:10–12).Solomon and Hiram jointly operated “a fleet of trading ships”that would return to port every three years bringing “gold,silver, and ivory, and apes and baboons” (1Kings 10:22).

Jehoshaphat.In the mid-ninth century BC, King Jehoshaphat of Judah attempted torepeat Solomon’s feat of launching a fleet from Ezion Geber(1Kings 22:48–49; 2Chron. 20:35–37).According to both accounts, the ships were wrecked before they couldset sail. On several other points, however, the two versions of thestory disagree in ways that bear on questions of the political andeconomic conditions of Israelite seafaring.

Bythis time, Israel and Judah had split into separate kingdoms, withthe northern kingdom of Israel being geographically and politicallycloser to the Phoenicians. The powerful King Ahab of Israel,Jehoshaphat’s contemporary through much of his reign, marriedJezebel, the daughter of the Sidonian (Phoenician) king Ethbaal(1Kings 16:31). According to 1Kings, King Ahaziah ofIsrael (Ahab’s son) proposed to cooperate with Jehoshaphat bysending his own men on the voyage, much as Hiram had assisted Solomonin the previous century. Jehoshaphat rejected the suggestion,possibly indicating a bid for Judean autonomy in an era of northerndominance. According to 2Chronicles, however, Jehoshaphat didcooperate willingly with Ahaziah, and this was the reason that theships foundered in port: God punished the righteous Jehoshaphat fortoo close a relationship with his wicked northern counterpart. In1Kings 22:47 it is mentioned that at the time of Jehoshaphat’sventure there was no king in Edom. As noted, control of the overlandroute between Judah and the Red Sea was necessary for the success ofany voyage originating from Ezion Geber.

Howeverthe contradiction between 1Kings and 2Chroniclesregarding the involvement of Ahaziah is resolved, both versions ofthe story highlight the fact that the port at Ezion Geber commandedthe interest of the Judeans, the Israelites, and the Phoenicians, andits successful operation probably depended on the cooperation of allthree.

Shipsof Tarshish.Several biblical texts, including the stories of Solomon andJehoshaphat, mention “ships of Tarshish” (1Kings10:22 NIV mg.). In a number of contexts, such ships are associatedwith the transportation of metals and metal ores, including iron,lead, tin, gold, and silver (1Kings 10:22; Ezek. 27:12; Jer.10:9). The exact derivation of the term “ships of Tarshish”is uncertain, though it is clear from the descriptions of theircargoes that such ships could travel over long distances. As Ezekielobserves, “The ships of Tarshish serve as carriers for yourwares. You are filled with heavy cargo as you sail the sea. Youroarsmen take you out to the high seas” (Ezek. 27:25–26).

Inthe Table of Nations, Tarshish is listed as a descendant of Javan(Gen. 10:4), along with a number of other seafaring peoples of theeastern Mediterranean (“Javan” indicates the peoples ofthe Aegean and is linguistically equivalent to “Ionia”[see also Ezek. 27:12–22]). Some have suggested, then, that theships of Tarshish should be associated with Tarsus in southeasternTurkey, an area containing silver mines (also the birthplace of Paul[Acts 9:11]). Others have suggested the Phoenician colony ofTartessus in Spain, another metal-producing area. This locationfigures in the interpretation of the identification of thedestination of Jonah as Tarshish (Jon. 1:3): presumably, if he wereavoiding Nineveh and departing from Joppa, he would head towardSpain, in the exact opposite direction, rather than toward Tarsus inCilicia.

Inaddition to these two geographical options, some have attempted toexplain the expression “ships of Tarshish” as derivingfrom the Akkadian term for smelting or refining: perhaps the manyreferences to cargoes of metals indicate that the ships were used totransport metal ore to refining centers. Finally, one scholar hasproposed that the term is related to the Greek word tarsos,meaning “oar.”

Descriptionsof ships and seafaring.Ezekiel, in his lament concerning the Phoenician city of Tyre (Ezek.27), relates a number of details related to Phoenician seafaring. Thepicture largely confirms the descriptions of how Solomon built andmanned his fleet with the assistance of his Tyrian ally. Timber forthe construction of the ship came from Lebanon and Cyprus, amongother places (vv. 5–6). Sails were made from Egyptian linen(v.7), and as noted above, the oarsmen and sailors were fromthe Phoenician city-states (vv. 8–9). Ezekiel goes on to list alarge number of ports of call as well as a dazzling variety ofcargoes (vv. 12–24). Notably, Ezekiel has the Judahites and theIsraelites offering the products of their agrarian economy—“wheatfrom Minnith and confections, honey, olive oil and balm”(v.17)—thus filling out the picture of what theIsraelites gave in exchange for the precious metals and luxury itemsimported by their country from elsewhere.

In1999 archaeologists explored two eighth-century BC Phoenician shipsthat had sunk thirty miles west of Ashkelon. The ships, eachmeasuring about fifty feet in length, contained large cargoes of wineand were headed either for Egypt or for the Phoenician colonies inthe western Mediterranean.

Shipsand sailing figure prominently in the story of Jonah, who boarded aship bound for Tarshish (see discussion above) at Joppa on theMediterranean coast. In the story we see a number of features ofancient sea travel. Jonah paid a fare for his voyage (Jon. 1:3). Notonly the biblical author (see 1:4), but also the presumablynon-Israelite sailors, believed that the great storm was the doing ofa god, and that it could be calmed by appealing to that god(1:6)—although cargo was thrown overboard for good measure.When Paul was caught in a storm in the first century AD, the samestrategies were still in use (Acts 27:38). The religious habits ofancient sailors, particularly their reverence for the gods whocontrolled the stormy seas and thus held their lives in the balance,are illuminated by the discovery of stone anchors in several temples(presumably left by sailors as offerings), including at the portcities of Ugarit, Kition, and Byblos.

Psalm107:23–32 speaks of God’s care of sailors from anIsraelite perspective. In the psalm, those who “went out on thesea in ships,” the “merchants on the mighty waters”(i.e., the deep, open sea), witness firsthand the works of the God ofIsrael, which include both the raising and the quieting of the storm.This passage vividly expresses the terror of being caught in a stormand the great relief and gratitude felt by sailors who reached safehaven.

Noah’sArk

Accordingto the biblical account, Noah’s ark was 450 feet long, 75 feetwide, and 45 feet high (300 cubits by 50 cubits by 30 cubits [Gen.6:15]). It had three decks, a roof, and a window. By comparison, theship of Uta-napishti in the Epic of Gilgamesh is described as havingsix decks (and thus seven stories), edges of 180 feet (ten dozencubits) in each dimension, and occupying the space of an acre (arough approximation of the dimensions given). Both ships aredescribed as providing space for the builder’s family and everyliving creature. In the Atrahasis Epic, the boat is roofed, but itsdimensions are not given.

Becauseof the character of Gen. 6–8, it is inappropriate to drawconclusions from the story regarding shipbuilding in historicalantiquity. According to the specifications given in the biblicaltext, Noah’s ark would have been the largest wooden ship inhistory, equaled only by the United States schooner Wyoming,completed in 1909. While the overall length of the Wyoming was also450 feet, nearly 100 feet of length was accounted for in the fore andaft booms, so that the hull length was only 350 feet. Even with earlytwentieth-century shipbuilding technology, its extravagant lengthrendered the Wyoming unseaworthy, and the ship foundered in 1924. Thelargest documented wooden ships of antiquity include the GreekSyracusia(third century BC; 180 feet), described by Athenaeus; the Roman Isis(second century AD; 180 feet), described by Lucian; Caligula’s“Giant Ship” (first century AD; 341 feet), recovered inmodern times and possibly corresponding to a ship described by Plinythe Elder; and PtolemyIV’s Tessarakonteres (third centuryBC), reported by Plutarch to have been about 425 feet long. This lastship was not designed for cruising in open water.

NewTestament

Fishingin the Sea of Galilee. Severalof Jesus’ disciples worked as fishermen on the Sea of Galilee,and the Gospels document their use of small boats for fishing andtraveling across the sea. Fishing was done with nets thrown both fromboats and from the shore (Mark 1:16, 19). The boats used by fishermenon the Sea of Galilee may have been small enough to pull up onto thebeach (Luke 5:2), or to be nearly capsized by a large catch of fish(Luke 5:7) or by a violent storm (Mark 4:37). They were large enoughto transport several men and even to sleep in (Mark 4:38). Such boatscould be rowed or sailed; in Mark 6:48 the disciples had to resort torowing because of an unfavorable headwind. On one occasion, Jesusstood in a boat to preach to a crowd gathered on the shore (Mark4:1). The Sea of Galilee is about eight miles wide and thirteen mileslong. On several occasions, Jesus traveled by boat across the sea toavoid having to walk long distances around its circumference (e.g.,Matt. 9:1; 14:22; 15:39).

In1986 archaeologists recovered a fishing boat dating to the mid-firstcentury AD on the shore of the Sea of Galilee. The boat had beenscuttled near the shore and was preserved under mud. The “JesusBoat,” as it was dubbed, measures twenty-seven feet in lengthand has a beam seven and a half feet long. Numerous species of woodwere used in its construction and repairs throughout its useful life.While there is no evidence to link the boat to Jesus or hisdisciples, radiometric dating places it in the correct period, and itprovides a likely model of the type of boat portrayed in the Gospels.

Asecond source of information regarding ships and sailing in the NT isthe account in Acts of Paul’s many sea voyages. As in the caseof Jehoshaphat, the Tyrians, Jonah, and Jesus’ disciples, Paullearned firsthand the perils of seafaring in small wooden boats:among his many traumas, along with beatings and stonings, herecalled, “Three times I was shipwrecked, I spent a night and aday in the open sea” (2Cor. 11:25).

Paul’sjourneys.A survey of Paul’s sea travels on his four journeys gives someidea of the routes that could be taken by a paying traveler in theeastern Mediterranean and Aegean.

1.Paul’s first missionary journey included voyages from Seleuciain Syria to the port of Salamis in Cyprus (Acts 13:4) and from Cyprus(Paphos) to Perga on the southern coast of Asia Minor (13:13). Afterjourneying through the interior, Paul returned to Attalia, where heembarked for the return trip to Syria, presumably passing againthrough the port at Salamis (14:26).

2.The second missionary journey began not with a sea voyage but ratherwith a trek through the interior of Syria and Cilicia, illustratingthat although sea travel was by far a more rapid means of travel, theoverland routes were by no means impossible (Acts 15:39). Paul wouldrepeat this land route during his third journey (19:1). Sea travelwas fast, but when one had plenty of friends along the alternativeland route, a sea journey was considerably less enjoyable. It isduring the second journey that we have the first recorded accounts ofPaul sailing in the Aegean. From Troas in Asia Minor, he sailed theshort distance to Macedonia (16:11), putting in midway at the islandof Samothrace. Apparently, Paul traveled by sea down the coast fromBerea to Athens (17:14). At the conclusion of his second journey,Paul sailed from Corinth to Caesarea, with a stop at Ephesus(18:18–22). Not counting any intervening ports of call notmentioned in the text, this would be the longest single leg of seatravel so far mentioned.

3.The third missionary journey once more began with a long overlandtrip from Syria through Asia Minor; by this time, Paul had manyassociates along the way to visit. Again, he sailed in the Aegean,from Ephesus to Macedonia (Acts 20:1) and back (20:6). At one point,Paul opted to travel overland, from Troas to Assos, while hiscompanions sailed down the coast (20:13). Meeting up with them, hesailed on, hugging the coast of Asia Minor, then sailing south ofCyprus along an open-water route to Tyre. From Tyre, the ship againhugged the Palestinian coast, stopping in several ports before Pauldisembarked at Caesarea (21:7). Paul’s journeys illustrate thevariety of itineraries taken by ships. They were capable of sailingin deep water, but they would also hug the coast when there werereasons to make frequent stops.

4.Paul’s fourth journey, which he made in custody on his way to atrial before the emperor at Rome, was to be the most dangerous. Fromthe account in Acts we can glean a number of details of life at seain the first century AD. The ship bound for Italy was large, and itcarried 276 passengers and crew (Acts 27:6, 37), including soldiersand prisoners, at least one companion of a prisoner (Paul’sfriend Aristarchus [27:2]), a ship’s pilot, and the ship’sowner (27:11). Sailors used celestial navigation (27:20) and tooksoundings in shallow water (27:28). We see also that the ship’scourse could be determined by the direction of the prevailing winds:twice during the journey Paul’s ship was forced to sail to thelee of large islands (Cyprus and Crete)—a longer journey, butthe only option for a ship that was not rigged to sail close-hauled.

Whenextended periods of unfavorable weather were forecast, one option wassimply to put in at a port until conditions improved, preferably in aharbor that was in the lee of an island (Acts 27:12). We learnsomething of the measures that were taken in heavy weather, many ofwhich are still used in modern times: ropes were tied around the hullof the ship to prevent it from breaking up in rough seas (27:17), thelifeboat was brought onto the deck and made fast (27:17), sea anchorswere deployed to keep the bow of the ship oriented into the oncomingwaves (27:7), the rudder was lashed amidships (27:40), valuable cargoand gear were jettisoned (27:19, 38), and, as in the days of Jonah,sailors and passengers prayed for divine deliverance (27:29; see alsothe protective emblems in 28:11).

Whenall other means had been exhausted, a ship could be run aground on asandy beach (Acts 27:39), a measure that would have risked damage tothe boat but saved lives. In the case of Paul’s ship, thedecision to run aground ultimately resulted in the destruction of theship (27:41).

Metaphorsand illustrations.Several NT authors draw illustrations from the nautical world. Jameslikens the harmful power of evil speech to the rudder of a ship:although it is a small device, by it the pilot can control a greatship (James 3:4–5). Elsewhere, he compares the doubting of theunwise person to being lost at sea in a storm (James 1:6; cf. Eph.4:14). In 1Tim. 1:19 the loss of faith and good conscience islikened to a shipwreck. Hebrews 6:19 describes the assurance of God’sfaithfulness as an anchor for the soul.

Because Scripture sees all things as providentially arrangedand sustained by God’s sovereign power at all times (Heb. 1:3),miracles are not aberrations in an otherwise closed and mechanicaluniverse. Nor are miracles raw demonstrations of divinity designed toovercome prejudice or unbelief and to convince people of theexistence of God (Mark 8:11–12). Still less are they cleverconjuring tricks involving some kind of deception that can beotherwise explained on a purely scientific basis. Rather, God in hisinfinite wisdom sometimes does unusual and extraordinary things tocall attention to himself and his activity. Miracles are divinelyordained acts of God that dramatically alert us to the presence ofhis glory and power and advance his saving purposes in redemptivehistory.

Terminology

Thebiblical writers describe miracles with various terms, such as“signs,” “wonders,” and “miracles”(or “powers”), which can carry various connotations. Asthe word “sign” suggests, divine miracles are significantand should cause us to think more deeply about God in a way that goesbeyond mere amazement or curiosity (Exod. 4:30–31; John 2:11).Not all of God’s signs are miraculous. Some are given as partof his ordering of the natural world (Gen. 1:14) or as anencouragement to faith that God will do as he has said (e.g., therainbow in Gen. 9:8–17; the blood of the Passover lamb in Exod.12:13). (See also Sign.)

Oftencoupled with signs are “wonders” (Jer. 32:21; John 4:48;2Cor. 12:12). If the depiction of miracles as “signs”indicates an appeal to the intellect, that of “wonders”points to the emotions. Miracles evoke astonishment and awe at theone who did them.

TheNT word “miracle” carries the meaning of power andtherefore points to the supernatural source of these events (Luke10:13; Acts 8:13).

Miraclesin the Bible

OldTestament.In the OT, miracles are not evenly distributed but rather are foundin greater number during times of great redemptive significance, suchas the exodus and the conquest of Canaan. Miracles were performedalso during periods of apostasy, such as in the days of theninth-century prophets Elijah and Elisha. Common to both of theseeras is the powerful demonstration of the superiority of God overpagan deities (Exod. 7–12; 1Kings 18:20–40).

NewTestament. Inthe NT, miracles often are acts of compassion, but more significantlythey attest the exalted status of Jesus of Nazareth (Acts 2:22) andthe saving power of his word (Heb. 2:3–4). In the SynopticGospels, they reveal the coming of God’s kingdom and theconquest of Satan’s dominion (Matt. 8:16–17; 12:22–30;Mark 3:27). They point to the person of Jesus as the promised Messiahof OT Scripture (Matt. 4:23; 11:4–6). John shows a preferencefor the word “signs,” and his Gospel is structured aroundthem (John 20:30–31). According to John, the signs that Jesusperformed were such that only the one who stood in a uniquerelationship to the Father as the Son of God could do them.

Miraclesand faith.Just as entrenched skepticism is injurious to faith, so too is naivecredulity, for although signs and wonders witness to God, falseprophets also perform them “to deceive, if possible, even theelect” (Matt. 24:24). Christians are to exercise discernmentand not be led astray by such impostors (Matt. 7:15–20).

Therelationship between miracles and faith is not as straightforward assometimes supposed. Miracles do not necessarily produce faith, nordoes faith necessarily produce miracles. Miracles were intended tobring about the faith that leads to eternal life (John 20:31), butnot all who witnessed them believed (John 10:32). Additionally, Jesusregarded a faith that rested only on the miracle itself as precarious(Mark 8:11–13; John 2:23–25; 4:48), though better than nofaith at all (John 10:38). Faith that saves must ultimately find itsgrounding in the person of Jesus as the Son of God.

Itis also clear that although Jesus always encouraged faith in thosewho came to him for help (Mark 9:23), and that he deliberatelylimited his miraculous powers in the presence of unbelief (Mark 6:5),many of his miracles were performed on those who did not or could notexercise faith (Matt. 12:22; Mark 1:23–28; 5:1–20; Luke14:1–4).

Thefact that Jesus performed miracles was never an issue; rather, hisopponents disputed the source of his power (Mark 3:22). Argumentsabout his identity were to be settled by appeal not to miracles butto the word of God (Matt. 22:41–46).

Thefunction of miracles.Miracle accounts function in a symbolic and prophetic manner. Hence,the cursing of the fig tree was prophetic of the coming judgment(Mark 11:12–21). The unusual two-stage healing of the blind manof Bethsaida symbolized Peter’s incomplete understanding ofJesus’ messiahship (Mark 8:22–33).

Themiraculous element of Jesus’ ministry carries an eschatologicalsignificance, pointing to the order of things in the age to come. Forexample, the nature miracles (Mark 4:35–41) look forward to theredemption of creation itself, which is presently subject tofrustration and decay (Rom. 8:20–21); the healing miraclespoint to a day when disease and deformity will be abolished (Rev.21:4); and miracles in which the dead are raised to life anticipate atime when death itself will be no more (Rev. 20:14; 21:4). From thisperspective, the miracles are a gracious foretaste of a far moreglorious future.

The founder of what became known as the movement of Jesusfollowers or Christianity. For Christian believers, Jesus Christembodies the personal and supernatural intervention of God in humanhistory.

Introduction

Name.Early Christians combined the name “Jesus” with the title“Christ” (Acts 5:42; NIV: “Messiah”). Thename “Jesus,” from the Hebrew Yehoshua or Yeshua, was acommon male name in first-century Judaism. The title “Christ”is from the Greek christos, a translation of the Hebrew mashiakh(“anointed one, messiah”). Christians eventually werenamed after Jesus’ title (Acts 11:26). During the ministry ofJesus, Peter was the first disciple to recognize Jesus as the Messiah(Matt. 16:16; Mark 9:29; Luke 9:20).

Sources.From the viewpoint of Christianity, the life and ministry of Jesusconstitute the turning point in human history. From a historicalperspective, ample early source materials would be expected. Indeed,both Christian and non-Christian first-century and earlysecond-century literary sources are extant, but they are few innumber. In part, this low incidence is due to society’s initialresistance to the Jesus followers’ movement. The ancient Romanhistorian Tacitus called Christianity “a superstition,”since its beliefs did not fit with the culture’s prevailingworldview and thus were considered antisocial. Early literary sourcestherefore are either in-group documents or allusions in non-Christiansources.

TheNT Gospels are the principal sources for the life and ministry ofJesus. They consist of Matthew, Mark, Luke (the Synoptic Gospels),and John. Most scholars adhere to the so-called Four SourceHypothesis. In this theory, Mark was written first and was used as asource by Matthew and Luke, who also used the sayings source Q (fromGerman Quelle, meaning “source”) as well as their ownindividual sources M (Matthew) and L (Luke). John used additionalsources.

Theearly church tried to put together singular accounts, so-calledGospel harmonies, of the life of Jesus. The Gospel of the Ebionitesrepresents one such attempt based on the Synoptic Gospels. Anotherharmony, the Diatessaron, based on all four Gospels, was producedaround AD 170 by Tatian. Additional source materials concerning thelife of Christ are provided in the NT in texts such as Acts, thePauline Epistles, the General Epistles, and the Revelation of John.Paul wrote to the Galatians, “But when the time had fully come,God sent his Son, born of a woman, born under law” (Gal. 4:4).The first narrative about Jesus by the Christian community was apassion narrative, the account of his death and resurrection. Thefirst extant references to this tradition are found in Paul’sletters (1Cor. 2:2; Gal. 3:1). The resurrection was recognizedfrom the beginning as the cornerstone of the Christian faith (1Cor.15:13–14).

Amongnon-Christian sources, the earliest reference to Jesus is found in aletter written circa AD 112 by Pliny the Younger, the Roman governorof Bithynia-Pontus (Ep. 10.96). The Roman historian Tacitus mentionsChristians and Jesus around AD 115 in his famous work about thehistory of Rome (Ann. 15.44). Another Roman historian, Suetonius,wrote around the same time concerning unrest among the Jews in Romebecause of a certain “Chrestos” (Claud. 25.4). Somescholars conclude that “Chrestos” is a misspelling of“Christos,” a reference to Jesus.

TheJewish author Josephus (first century AD) mentions Jesus in a storyabout the Jewish high priest Ananus and James the brother of Jesus(Ant. 20.200). A controversial reference to Jesus appears in adifferent part of the same work, where Josephus affirms that Jesus isthe Messiah and that he rose from the dead (Ant. 18.63–64). Themajority of scholars consider this passage to be authentic butheavily edited by later Christian copyists. Another Jewish source,the Talmud, also mentions Jesus in several places, but thesereferences are very late and of little historical value.

NoncanonicalGospels that mention Jesus include, for example, the Infancy Gospelof Thomas, the Gospel of Thomas, the Gospel of Peter, the Gospel ofJames, the Gospel of Judas Iscariot, the Gospel of the Hebrews, theEgerton Gospel, and the Gospel of Judas. Although some of these maycontain an occasional authentic saying or event, for the most partthey are late and unreliable.

Jesus’Life

Birthand childhood. TheGospels of Matthew and Luke record Jesus’ birth in Bethlehemduring the reign of Herod the Great (Matt. 2:1; Luke 2:4, 11). Jesuswas probably born between 6 and 4 BC, shortly before Herod’sdeath (Matt. 2:19). Both Matthew and Luke record the miracle of avirginal conception made possible by the Holy Spirit (Matt. 1:18;Luke 1:35). Luke mentions a census under the Syrian governorQuirinius that was responsible for Jesus’ birth taking place inBethlehem (2:1–5). Both the census and the governorship at thetime of the birth of Jesus have been questioned by scholars.Unfortunately, there is not enough extrabiblical evidence to eitherconfirm or disprove these events, so their veracity must bedetermined on the basis of one’s view regarding the generalreliability of the Gospel tradition.

Onthe eighth day after his birth, Jesus was circumcised, in keepingwith the Jewish law, at which time he officially was named “Jesus”(Luke 2:21). He spent his growing years in Nazareth, in the home ofhis parents, Joseph and Mary (2:40). Of the NT Gospels, the Gospel ofLuke contains the only brief portrayal of Jesus’ growth instrength, wisdom, and favor with God and people (2:40, 52). Luke alsocontains the only account of Jesus as a young boy (2:41–49).

Jesuswas born in a lower socioeconomic setting. His parents offered atemple sacrifice appropriate for those who could not afford tosacrifice a sheep (Luke 2:22–24; cf. Lev. 12:8). Joseph, Jesus’earthly father, was a carpenter or an artisan in wood, stone, ormetal (Matt. 13:55). From a geographical perspective, Nazareth wasnot a prominent place for settling, since it lacked fertile ground.Jesus’ disciple Nathanael expressed an apparently commonfirst-century sentiment concerning Nazareth: “Nazareth! Cananything good come from there?” (John 1:46).

Jesuswas also born in a context of scandal. Questions of illegitimacy weresurely raised, since his mother Mary was discovered to be pregnantbefore her marriage to Joseph. According to Matthew, only theintervention of an angel convinced Joseph not to break his betrothal(Matt. 1:18–24). Jesus’ birth took place in Bethlehem,far from his parents’ home in Nazareth. According to kinshiphospitality customs, Joseph and Mary would have expected to stay withdistant relatives in Bethlehem. It is likely that they were unwelcomebecause of Jesus’ status as an illegitimate child; thus Maryhad to give birth elsewhere and place the infant Jesus in a feedingtrough (Luke 2:7). A similar response was seen years later inNazareth when Jesus was identified as “Mary’s son”(Mark 6:3) rather than through his paternal line, thereby shaming himas one who was born an illegitimate child. Jesus was likewiserejected at the end of his life as the crowds cried, “Crucifyhim!” (Matt. 27:22–23; Mark 15:13–14; Luke 23:21;John 19:6, 15). When Jesus was arrested, most of his followers fled(Matt. 26:56; Mark 14:50–52), and a core disciple, Peter,vehemently denied knowing him (Matt. 26:69–74; Mark 14:66–71;Luke 22:55–60; John 18:15–17, 25–27). His ownsiblings did not believe in him (John 7:5) and were evidently ashamedof his fate, since from the cross Jesus placed the care of his motherinto the hands of “the disciple whom he loved” (19:26–27)rather than the next brother in line, as was customary.

Baptism,temptation, and start of ministry.After Jesus was baptized by the prophet John the Baptist (Luke3:21–22), God affirmed his pleasure with him by referring tohim as his Son, whom he loved (Matt. 3:17; Mark 1:11; Luke 3:22).Jesus’ baptism did not launch him into fame and instantministry success; instead, Jesus was led by the Spirit into thewilderness, where he was tempted for forty days (Matt. 4:1–11;Mark 1:12–13; Luke 4:1–13). Mark stresses that thetemptations immediately followed the baptism. Matthew and Lukeidentify three specific temptations by the devil, though their orderfor the last two is reversed. Both Matthew and Luke agree that Jesuswas tempted to turn stones into bread, expect divine interventionafter jumping off the temple portico, and receive all the world’skingdoms for worshiping the devil. Jesus resisted all temptation,quoting Scripture in response.

Matthewand Mark record that Jesus began his ministry in Capernaum inGalilee, after the arrest of John the Baptist (Matt. 4:12–13;Mark 1:14). Luke says that Jesus started his ministry at about thirtyyears of age (3:23). This may be meant to indicate full maturity orperhaps correlate this age with the onset of the service of theLevites in the temple (cf. Num. 4:3). John narrates the beginning ofJesus’ ministry by focusing on the calling of the disciples andthe sign performed at a wedding at Cana (1:35–2:11).

Jesus’public ministry: chronology.Jesus’ ministry started in Galilee, probably around AD 27/28,and ended with his death around AD 30 in Jerusalem. The temple hadbeen forty-six years in construction (generally interpreted as thetemple itself and the wider temple complex) when Jesus drove out themoney changers (John 2:20). According to Josephus, the rebuilding andexpansion of the second temple had started in 20/19 BC, during theeighteenth year of Herod’s reign (Ant. 15.380). The ministry ofJohn the Baptist had commenced in the fifteenth year of Tiberius(Luke 3:1–2), who had become a coregent in AD 11/12. From thesedates of the start of the temple building and the correlation of thereign of Tiberius to John the Baptist’s ministry, the onset ofJesus’ ministry can probably be dated to AD 27/28.

TheGospel of John mentions three Passovers and another unnamed feast inJohn 5:1. The length of Jesus’ ministry thus extended overthree or four Passovers, equaling about three or three and a halfyears. Passover, which took place on the fifteenth of Nisan, came ona Friday in AD 30 and 33. The year of Jesus’ death wastherefore probably AD 30.

Jesus’ministry years may be divided broadly into his Galilean and hisJudean ministries. The Synoptic Gospels describe the ministry inGalilee from various angles but converge again as Jesus enters Judea.

Galileanministry.The early stages of Jesus’ ministry centered in and aroundGalilee. Jesus presented the good news and proclaimed that thekingdom of God was near. Matthew focuses on the fulfillment ofprophecy (Matt. 4:13–17). Luke records Jesus’ firstteaching in his hometown, Nazareth, as paradigmatic (Luke 4:16–30);the text that Jesus quoted, Isa. 61:1–2, set the stage for hiscalling to serve and revealed a trajectory of rejection andsuffering.

AllGospels record Jesus’ gathering of disciples early in hisGalilean ministry (Matt. 4:18–22; Mark 1:16–20; Luke5:1–11; John 1:35–51). The formal call and commissioningof the Twelve who would become Jesus’ closest followers isrecorded in different parts of the Gospels (Matt. 10:1–4; Mark3:13–19; Luke 6:12–16). A key event in the early ministryis the Sermon on the Mount/Plain (Matt. 5:1–7:29; Luke6:20–49). John focuses on Jesus’ signs and miracles, inparticular in the early parts of his ministry, whereas the Synopticsfocus on healings and exorcisms.

DuringJesus’ Galilean ministry, onlookers struggled with hisidentity. However, evil spirits knew him to be of supreme authority(Mark 3:11). Jesus was criticized by outsiders and by his own family(3:21). The scribes from Jerusalem identified him as a partner ofBeelzebul (3:22). Amid these situations of social conflict, Jesustold parables that couched his ministry in the context of a growingkingdom of God. This kingdom would miraculously spring from humblebeginnings (4:1–32).

TheSynoptics present Jesus’ early Galilean ministry as successful.No challenge or ministry need superseded Jesus’ authority orability: he calmed a storm (Mark 4:35–39), exorcized manydemons (Mark 5:1–13), raised the dead (Mark 5:35–42), fedfive thousand (Mark 6:30–44), and walked on water (Mark6:48–49).

Inthe later part of his ministry in Galilee, Jesus often withdrew andtraveled to the north and the east. The Gospel narratives are notwritten with a focus on chronology. However, only brief returns toGalilee appear to have taken place prior to Jesus’ journey toJerusalem. As people followed Jesus, faith was praised and fearresolved. Jerusalem’s religious leaders traveled to Galilee,where they leveled accusations and charged Jesus’ discipleswith lacking ritual purity (Mark 7:1–5). Jesus shamed thePharisees by pointing out their dishonorable treatment of parents(7:11–13). The Pharisees challenged his legitimacy by demandinga sign (8:11). Jesus refused them signs but agreed with Peter, whoconfessed, “You are the Messiah” (8:29). Jesus didprovide the disciples a sign: his transfiguration (9:2–8).

Jesuswithdrew from Galilee to Tyre and Sidon, where a Syrophoenician womanrequested healing for her daughter. Jesus replied, “I was sentonly to the lost sheep of Israel” (Matt. 15:24). Galileans hadlong resented the Syrian provincial leadership partiality thatallotted governmental funds in ways that made the Jews receive mere“crumbs.” Consequently, when the woman replied, “Eventhe dogs eat the crumbs that fall from their master’s table,”Jesus applauded her faith (Matt. 15:27–28). Healing a deaf-muteman in the Decapolis provided another example of Jesus’ministry in Gentile territory (Mark 7:31–37). Peter’sconfession of Jesus as the Christ took place during Jesus’travel to Caesarea Philippi, a well-known Gentile territory. The citywas the ancient center of worship of the Hellenistic god Pan.

Judeanministry.Luke records a geographic turning point in Jesus’ ministry ashe resolutely set out for Jerusalem, a direction that eventually ledto his death (Luke 9:51). Luke divides the journey to Jerusalem intothree phases (9:51–13:21; 13:22–17:10; 17:11–19:27).The opening verses of phase one emphasize a prophetic element of thejourney. Jesus viewed his ministry in Jerusalem as his mission, andthe demands on discipleship intensified as Jesus approached Jerusalem(Matt. 20:17–19, 26–28; Mark 10:38–39, 43–45;Luke 14:25–35). Luke presents the second phase of the journeytoward Jerusalem with a focus on conversations regarding salvationand judgment (Luke 13:22–30). In the third and final phase ofthe journey, the advent of the kingdom and the final judgment are themain themes (17:20–37; 19:11–27).

Socialconflicts with religious leaders increased throughout Jesus’ministry. These conflicts led to lively challenge-riposteinteractions concerning the Pharisaic schools of Shammai and Hillel(Matt. 19:1–12; Mark 10:1–12). Likewise, socioeconomicfeathers were ruffled as Jesus welcomed young children, who hadlittle value in society (Matt. 19:13–15; Mark 10:13–16;Luke 18:15–17).

PassionWeek, death, and resurrection. Eachof the Gospels records Jesus’ entry into Jerusalem with thecrowds extending him a royal welcome (Matt. 21:4–9; Mark11:7–10; Luke 19:35–38; John 12:12–15). Lukedescribes Jesus’ ministry in Jerusalem as a time during whichJesus taught in the temple as Israel’s Messiah (19:45–21:38).

InJerusalem, Jesus cleansed the temple of profiteering (Mark 11:15–17).Mark describes the religious leaders as fearing Jesus because thewhole crowd was amazed at his teaching, and so they “beganlooking for a way to kill him” (11:18). Dismayed, each segmentof Jerusalem’s temple leadership inquired about Jesus’authority (11:27–33). Jesus replied with cunning questions(12:16, 35–36), stories (12:1–12), denunciation(12:38–44), and a prediction of Jerusalem’s owndestruction (13:1–31). One of Jesus’ own disciples, JudasIscariot, provided the temple leaders the opportunity for Jesus’arrest (14:10–11).

Atthe Last Supper, Jesus instituted a new Passover, defining a newcovenant grounded in his sufferings (Matt. 26:17–18, 26–29;Mark 14:16–25; Luke 22:14–20). He again warned thedisciples of his betrayal and arrest (Matt. 26:21–25, 31; Mark14:27–31; Luke 22:21–23; John 13:21–30), and laterhe prayed for the disciples (John 17:1–26) and prayed in agonyand submissiveness in the garden of Gethsemane (Matt. 26:36–42;Mark 14:32–42; Luke 22:39–42). His arrest, trial,crucifixion, death, and resurrection followed (Matt. 26:46–28:15;Mark 14:43–16:8; Luke 22:47–24:9; John 18:1–20:18).Jesus finally commissioned his disciples to continue his mission bymaking disciples of all the nations (Matt. 28:18–20; Acts 1:8)and ascended to heaven with the promise that he will one day return(Luke 24:50–53; Acts 1:9–11).

TheIdentity of Jesus Christ

Variousaspects of Jesus’ identity are stressed in the four NT Gospels,depending on their target audiences. In the Gospels the witnesses toJesus’ ministry are portrayed as constantly questioning andexamining his identity (Matt. 11:2–5; 12:24; 26:63; 27:11; Mark3:22; 8:11; 11:28; 14:61; Luke 7:18–20; 11:15; 22:67, 70;23:39; John 7:20, 25–27; 18:37). Only beings of the spiritualrealm are certain of his divinity (Mark 1:34; 3:11; Luke 4:41). AtJesus’ baptism, God referred to him as his Son, whom he loved(Matt. 3:17; Mark 1:11; Luke 3:22). Likewise, when Jesus wastransfigured in the presence of Peter, James, and John, a voiceaffirmed, “This is my Son, whom I love” (Matt. 17:5; Mark9:7). At the moment of his death, the questioning of Jesus’identity culminated in a confession by a Roman centurion and otherguards: “Surely he was the Son of God!” (Matt. 27:54; cf.Mark 15:39).

Miracleworker.In the first-century setting, folk healers and miracle workers werepart of the fabric of society. Jesus, however, performed signs andmiracles in order to demonstrate the authority of the kingdom of Godover various realms: disease, illness, the spiritual world, nature,and even future events. Especially in the Gospel of John, Jesus’signs and miracles are used to show his authority and thus hisidentity.

Nochallenge superseded Jesus’ authority. Among his ample miraclesand signs, he changed water into wine (John 2:7–9), calmed astorm in the sea (Matt. 8:23–27; Mark 4:35–39; Luke8:22–25), exorcized demons (Matt. 9:32–34; Mark 5:1–13;Luke 9:42–43), healed the sick (Mark 1:40–44), raised thedead (Matt. 9:23–25; Mark 5:35–42; Luke 7:1–16;8:49–54; John 11:17, 38–44), performed miraculousfeedings (Matt. 14:17–21; 15:34–38; Mark 6:30–44;8:5–9; Luke 9:10–17; John 6:8–13), and walked onwater (Matt. 14:25–26; Mark 6:48–49; John 6:19).

ThePharisees requested miracles as evidence of his authority (Mark8:11–12). Jesus refused, claiming that a wicked and adulterousgeneration asks for a miraculous sign (Matt. 12:38–39; 16:1–4).The only sign that he would give was the sign of Jonah—hisdeath and resurrection three days later—a personal sacrifice,taking upon himself the judgment of the world (Matt. 12:39–41).

Rabbi/teacher.Jesus’ teaching style was similar to other first-century rabbisor Pharisees (Mark 9:5; 10:51; John 1:38; 3:2). What distinguishedhim was that he spoke with great personal authority (Matt. 5:22, 28,32, 39, 44; Mark 1:22). Like other rabbis of his day, Jesus gathereddisciples. He called these men to observe his lifestyle and to joinhim in his ministry of teaching, healing, and exorcism (Matt. 10:1–4;Mark 3:13–19; Luke 6:12–16).

Jesusused a variety of teaching methods. He frequently spoke in parables(Matt. 6:24; 13:24–52; 18:10–14, 23–35;21:28–22:14; 24:32–36, 45–51; 25:14–30; Mark4:1–34; 12:1–12; 13:28–34; Luke 8:4–18;12:41–46; 13:18–21; 14:15–24; 15:1–16:15,19–31; 18:1–14; 19:11–27; 20:9–19; 21:29–33),used figures of speech (John 10:9), hyperbole (Matt. 19:24; Mark10:25; Luke 18:25), argumentation (Matt. 26:11), object lessons(Matt. 24:32), frequent repetition (Matt. 13:44–47; Luke13:18–21), practical examples, and personal guidance.

Majorthemes in Jesus’ teaching include the kingdom of God, the costof discipleship, internal righteousness, the end of the age, hisidentity, his mission, and his approaching death. In his teachings,observance of Torah was given new context and meaning because God’skingdom had “come near” (Matt. 3:2). Jesus had come tofulfill the law (Matt. 5:17).

Jesus’teaching ministry often took place amid social conflict. Theseconflicts were couched in so-called challenge-riposte interactions inwhich the honor status of those involved was at stake. Jesus usedthese interactions as teachable moments. When questioned, Jesus gavereplies that reveal omniscience or intimate knowledge of God’swill, especially in the Gospel of John. In the Synoptic Gospels,Jesus’ answers are both ethical and practical in nature. TheSynoptics portray Jesus as challenged repeatedly with accusations ofviolating customs specified in the Jewish law. Jesus’ answersto such accusations often echoed the essence of 1Sam. 15:22,“To obey is better than sacrifice,” phrased by Jesus as“I desire mercy, not sacrifice” (Matt. 9:13; 12:7). Anoverall “better than” ethic was common in Jesus’public teaching.

TheSermon on the Mount (Matt. 5–7) contains a “better than”ethic in which internal obedience is better than mere outwardobedience. For example, Jesus said that anger without cause is equalto murder (Matt. 5:21–22), that looking at a woman lustfullyamounts to adultery (Matt. 5:28), and that instead of revengingwrongs one must reciprocate with love (Matt. 5:38–48). Jesusvalued compassion above traditions and customs, even those containedwithin the OT law. He desired internal obedience above the letter ofthe law.

Jesus’teachings found their authority in the reality of God’simminent kingdom (Matt. 3:2; 10:7; Mark 1:15; Luke 10:9),necessitating repentance (Matt. 3:2), belief (Mark 1:15), dependence(Matt. 18:3–5; Mark 10:15), and loyalty to a new community—thefamily of Jesus followers (Mark 3:34; 10:29–30). Jesus urged,“Seek first [God’s] kingdom and his righteousness”(Matt. 6:33). Preaching with such urgency was common among propheticteachers of the intertestamental period. Jesus, however, had his owngrounds for urgency. He held that God deeply valued all humans (Matt.10:31) and would bring judgment swiftly (Matt. 25:31–46).

Examplesof a “greater good” ethic in the Synoptics include theoccasions when Jesus ate with sinners (Mark 2:16–17). Jesusused an aphorism in response to accusations about his associationswith sinners, saying, “It is not the healthy who need a doctor,but the sick. I have not come to call the righteous, but sinners”(Mark 2:17). He advocated harvesting and healing on the Sabbath (Mark2:23–28; 3:1–6), and when he was accused of breaking thelaw, he pointed to an OT exception (1Sam. 21:1–6) todeclare compassion appropriate for the Sabbath. Jesus also appliedthe “greater good” ethic in the case of divorce, sincewomen suffered the societal stigma of adultery and commonly becameoutcasts following divorce (Matt. 19:8–9; Mark 10:5–9).

Jesus’kingdom teachings were simultaneously spiritual, ethical, andeschatological in application. The teachings were aimed at internaltransformation (Matt. 5:3–9; 18:3; Mark 10:15) and spurring onlove (Matt. 5:44; 7:21). The Spirit of the Lord had called Jesus tobless the hurting ones as they aspired to a godly character. Jesustaught, “Be perfect, therefore, as your heavenly Father isperfect” (Matt. 5:48), and “Be merciful, just as yourFather is merciful” (Luke 6:36). The “blessed” onesin Jesus’ teachings are poor of spirit, peace driven, mournful,and hungry for righteousness, consumed with emulating godlycharacter.

Somescholars believe that Jesus promoted an “interim ethic”for the kingdom, intended only for a short period prior to the end oftime. However, he was explicit regarding the longevity of histeachings: “Heaven and earth will pass away, but my words willnever pass away” (Matt. 24:35; Luke 16:17).

Messiah.The concept of an anointed one, a messiah, who would restore theglories of David’s kingdom and bring political stability wascommon in Jewish expectation. Both before and after the Babyloniancaptivity, many Jews longed for one who would bring peace andprotection. Israel’s prophets had spoken of a coming deliverer,one who would restore David’s kingdom and reign in justice andrighteousness (2Sam. 7:11–16; Isa. 9:1–7; 11:1–16;Jer. 23:5–6; 33:15–16; Ezek. 37:25; Dan. 2:44; Mic. 5:2;Zech. 9:9). Isaiah’s description of the servant (Isa. 53) whosesuffering healed the nation provided a slightly different angle ofexpectation in terms of a deliverer.

Jesus’authority and popularity as a miracle worker called up messianicimages in first-century Jewish minds. On several occasions hearerscalled him “Son of David,” hoping for the Messiah (Matt.12:23; 21:9). Simon Peter was the first follower who confessed Jesusas the Christ, the “Messiah” (Matt. 16:16; Mark 8:29). Inline with Isaiah’s model of the Suffering Servant, Jesusfocused not on political ends but rather on spiritual regenerationthrough his own sacrificial death (Mark 10:45).

Eschatologicalprophet.Many scholars claim that Jesus is best understood as a Jewishapocalypticist, an eschatological prophet who expected God tointervene in history, destroy the wicked, and bring in the kingdom ofGod. Central in this understanding are Jesus’ propheciesconcerning the destruction of the temple in Jerusalem (Matt. 24:1–2,15–22; Mark 13:1; Luke 21:5–24; John 2:19; Acts 6:14). Inaddition, it is noted that Jesus had twelve disciples, representativeof the twelve tribes of Israel (Matt. 19:2–28; Luke 22:23–30).Certain of Jesus’ parables, those with apocalyptic images ofcoming judgment, present Jesus as an eschatological prophet (Matt.24:45–25:30; Luke 12:41–46; 19:11–27).

SufferingSon of God.Jesus’ first recorded teaching in a synagogue in Nazareth wasparadigmatic (Luke 4:16–21). He attributed the reading, Isa.61:1–2, to his personal calling to serve, and in doing so herevealed a trajectory of suffering. The Gospel of Mark likewise aptlyportrays Jesus as the suffering Son of God. Jesus’ ownteachings incorporated his upcoming suffering (Mark 8:31; 9:12–13,31; 10:33–34). He summarized his mission by declaring, “TheSon of Man did not come to be served, but to serve, and to give hislife as a ransom for many” (Mark 10:45). His earthly careerended with a trial in Jerusalem consisting of both Roman and Jewishcomponents (Matt. 26:57–68; 27:1–31; Mark 14:53–65;15:1–20; Luke 22:54–23:25; John 18:19–24;18:28–19:16). He was insulted, scourged, mocked, and crucified.

Jesus’suffering culminated in his humiliating death by crucifixion (Matt.27:33–50; Mark 15:22–37; Luke 23:33–46; John19:16–30). Crucifixion was a death of unimaginable horror,bringing shame and humiliation to the victim and his family. Anyonehanging on a tree was considered cursed (Deut. 21:23; Gal. 3:13).Thus, especially in a Jewish society, anyone associated with acrucified person bore the shame of following one who was executed asa lowly slave and left as a cursed corpse. The apostle Paul referredto this shame of the cross when he stated, “I am not ashamed ofthe gospel” (Rom. 1:16).

ExaltedLord.Jesus had prophesied that he would rise again (Matt. 16:21; 17:9, 23;20:19; 27:63; Mark 8:31; 9:9, 31; 10:34; Luke 9:22; 18:33; 24:7, 46).The testimony of the Synoptics is that the resurrection of JesusChrist indeed occurred on the third day, Christ having died on Friday(Mark 15:42–45; Luke 23:52–54; John 19:30–33) andrisen again on Sunday (Matt. 28:1–7; Mark 16:2–7; Luke24:1–7; John 20:1–16). The resurrected Jesus waswitnessed by the women (Matt. 28:8–9), the eleven disciples(Matt. 28:16–17; Luke 24:36–43), and travelers on theroad to Emmaus (Luke 24:31–32). According to Paul, he appearedto as many as five hundred others (1Cor. 15:6). He appeared inbodily form, spoke, showed his scars, and ate (Luke 24:39–43;John 20:27; Acts 1:4). After forty postresurrection days, Jesusascended into the heavenly realm (Acts 1:9).

Asmuch as Jesus’ death was the epitome of shame, his victory overdeath was his ultimate exaltation (Phil. 2:5–11). At Pentecost,Peter proclaimed that in the resurrection God fulfilled OT promises(Ps. 16:10) by raising his Son from the grave (Acts 2:30–31).Furthermore, Christ provided freedom from the law through hisresurrection (Rom. 5:13–14), God’s approval of his lifeand work (Phil. 2:8–9), and God’s designation of him asLord over all the earth, the living and the dead (Acts 17:30–31;Phil. 2:10; Heb. 1:3), and over all his enemies (Eph. 1:20–23).

Jesus’exaltation commenced the beginning of forgiveness and justification(Luke 24:46–47; Acts 13:30–39; Rom. 4:25) and hisintercession for the people of God (Rom. 8:34). His ascensionsignaled the coming of the Holy Spirit as comforter and teacher (John14:26; Acts 2:33) and was accompanied by the promise of his return inglory (Luke 24:51), at which time he will render judgment (Matt.19:28; 24:31; Rev. 20:11–15) and establish his eternal kingdom(1Cor. 15:24; 2Tim. 4:1; Rev. 11:15; 22:5).

Jesus’Purpose and Community

Inthe Gospel of Matthew, Jesus is the long-awaited Messiah, whopreaches the good news of the kingdom, urging people to repent(4:17–23). Repentance and belief allow one to enter thekingdom. The call into the kingdom is a call into a new covenant, onemade in Jesus’ blood (26:28).

Inthe prologue to the Gospel of Mark, the narrator reveals the identityof Jesus (1:1). Jesus is presented as the one who brings good tidingsof salvation (cf. Isa. 40:9; 52:7; 61:1). The centrality of thegospel, the good news (Mark 1:14–15), is evident.

Lukelikewise presents the preaching of the good news as a main purpose ofJesus’ ministry (4:43). The content of this good news is thekingdom of God (4:43; 8:1; 16:16). When the disciples of John theBaptist asked Jesus if he was the one who was to come (7:20), Jesusanswered, “Go back and report to John what you have seen andheard: The blind receive sight, the lame walk, those who have leprosyare cleansed, the deaf hear, the dead are raised, and the good newsis proclaimed to the poor” (7:22). The kingdom of God, aspresented in Luke, brings freedom for the prisoners, recovery ofsight for the blind, and release for the oppressed (4:18). Jesus’healings and exorcisms announce the coming kingdom of God alreadypresent in the ministry of Jesus (4:40–44; 6:18–20;8:1–2; 9:2; 10:8–9).

Inthe Gospel of John, Jesus testifies to the good news by way of signsthroughout his ministry. These signs point to Jesus’ glory, hisidentity, and the significance of his ministry. Jesus is the Messiah,the Son of God, who offers eternal and abundant life. This abundantlife is lived out in community.

Inthe Gospel of John, the disciples of Jesus represent the community ofGod (17:21). The disciples did not belong to the world, but theycontinued to live in the world (17:14–16). Throughout hisministry, Jesus called his disciples to follow him. This was a callto loyalty (Matt. 10:32–40; 16:24–26; Mark 8:34–38;Luke 9:23–26), a call to the family of God (Matt. 12:48–50;Mark 3:33–35). Jesus’ declaration “On this rock Iwill build my church” (Matt. 16:18) was preceded by the call tocommunity. Jesus’ presence as the head of the community wasreplaced by the promised Spirit (John 14:16–18).

Jesus’ministry continued in the community of Jesus’ followers, God’sfamily—the church. Entrance into the community was obtained byadopting the values of the kingdom, belief, and through theinitiation rite of baptism (Matt. 10:37–39; 16:24–26;Mark 8:34–38; Luke 9:23–26, 57–62; John 1:12; 3:16;10:27–29; Acts 2:38; 16:31–33; 17:30; Rom. 10:9).

TheQuests for the Historical Jesus

Thequest for the historical Jesus, or seeking who Jesus was from ahistorical perspective, is a modern phenomenon deemed necessary byscholars who claim that the NT Gospels were written long after Jesus’death and were heavily influenced by the post-Easter understanding ofthe church.

Thebeginning of this quest is often dated to 1770, when the lecturenotes of Hermann Samuel Reimarus were published posthumously.Reimarus had launched an inquiry into the identity of Jesus thatrejected as inauthentic all supernatural elements in the Gospels. Heconcluded that the disciples invented Jesus’ miracles,prophecies, ritualistic religion, and resurrection. Reimarus’sconclusions were not widely accepted, but they set off a flurry ofrationalistic research into the historical Jesus that continuedthroughout the nineteenth century. This became known as the “firstquest” for the historical Jesus.

In1906 German theologian Albert Schweit-zer published The Quest of theHistorical Jesus (German title: Von Reimarus zu Wrede: EineGeschichte der Leben-Jesu-Forschung), a scathing indictment of thefirst quest. Schweitzer’s work showed that nineteenth-centuryresearchers re-created Jesus in their own image, transforming thehistorical Jesus into a modern philanthropist preaching aninoffensive message of love and brotherhood. Schweitzer’sconclusions marked the beginning of the end for this first quest.Schweitzer himself concluded that the historical Jesus was aneschatological prophet whose purposes failed during his last days inJerusalem.

Withthe demise of the first quest, some NT scholars, such as RudolfBultmann, rejected any claim to being able to discover the historicalJesus. This trend continued until 1953, when some of Bultmann’sformer students launched what has come to be known as the “newquest” for the historical Jesus (1953–c. 1970). Thisquest created new interest in the historical Jesus but was stilldominated by the view that the portrait of Jesus in the Gospels islargely a creation of the church in a post-Easter setting.

Asthe rebuilding years of the post–World WarII era wanedand scholars started to reap academic fruit from major archaeologicalfinds such as the DSS, research on the historical Jesus moved on towhat has been called the “third quest.” This quest seeksespecially to research and understand Jesus in his social andcultural setting.

OldTestament

Phoeniciansand Philistines. Asa people whose ancestral territory lay in the landlocked andtimber-poor highlands of Ephraim and Judah, the Israelites ofbiblical times never achieved prominence in seafaring orshipbuilding. Instead, they relied for their maritime enterprises onalliances with their coastal neighbors, particularly the Phoenicianstates to the north of Israel, who excelled in seafaring and hadaccess to the abundant timber forests of Lebanon. The Phoenicians(the Punics of classical antiquity) were famous in antiquity fortheir seafaring. In biblical times, they traded heavily betweenSyria-Palestine and Egypt and also sailed throughout theMediterranean, establishing colonies as far away as Tunisia(Carthage) and Spain (Cadiz).

Anotherseagoing people prominent in the OT were the Philistines, whose baseof power was to the west of Judah, along the Mediterranean coast. TheBible associates the Philistines with the five cities of Ashdod,Ashkelon, Ekron, Gath, and Gaza. The Philistines were among the SeaPeoples, who came to the Levant from the Aegean beginning in thetwelfth century BC (Amos 9:7; Jer. 47:4).

Theperennial enmity between the Philistines and the Israelites precludedjoint maritime ventures of the sort shared by Israel and thePhoenicians, and the Bible does not describe Philistine maritimeactivities in any depth. Nevertheless, the seagoing nature of thePhilistines is reflected by the fact that their settlements remainedconfined to the coastal region. They never made a systematic attemptto take over the traditionally Israelite and Judahite highlands. Whenthey did venture into the Judean mountains, it was to assert amilitary and political presence among the agrarian Israelites andJudahites rather than to establish permanent settlements andPhilistine population centers. Twelfth-century BC reliefs at MedinetHabu (in the mortuary temple of RamessesIII) depict a navalbattle between the Sea Peoples and the Egyptians. The reliefs includepictures of Philistine ships and sailors.

Israeliteseafaring.One of the rare references to Israelite seafaring describes theDanites and the Asherites in connection with ships and harbors (Judg.5:17; see also Ezek. 27:19). Traditional Danite territory overlappedwith the area of Philistine settlement. Asherite territory overlappedsubstantially with Phoenician territory. It is possible that Judg.5:17 refers to the fact that the Danites and the Asherites worked inthe port cities serving Philistine and Phoenician shipping. Inanother passage, Zebulun is associated with ports (Gen. 49:13). It isnoteworthy that the Israelite coast between Jaffa and Dor (roughlybetween Philistia and Phoenicia) does not have an abundance ofnatural harbors. Later, Herod the Great would build the artificialharbor at Caesarea in the first century BC. The great expense of sucha project—including the construction of over 2,500 feet ofbreakwaters made of underwater concrete, mostly imported fromItaly—suggests the extent of the need for secure harbors inthis region.

Solomon’sfleet.The zenith of Israelite seafaring occurred during the reign ofSolomon. Solomon built a fleet of ships at “Ezion Geber, whichis near Elath in Edom, on the shore of the Red Sea” (1Kings9:26). The purpose of these ships was to bring back gold from Ophir(1Kings 9:28), possibly a location in the Arabian Peninsula, towhich a port on the Red Sea would have offered ready access. Thestory confirms the aforementioned dependence on the Phoenicians inthe area of seafaring: although the ships belonged to Solomon, “Hiram[the Phoenician king of Tyre] sent his men—sailors who knew thesea—to serve in the fleet with Solomon’s men”(1Kings 9:27). The timber for the ships would also have beenimported by Israel from Phoenicia (see 1Kings 9:11). Even atthe height of its power, Israel lacked the human resources to embarkon sea voyages independently of the Phoenicians.

Thesuccess of Solomon’s project, of course, depended not only onwarm relations with the Phoenicians but also on territorial controlof the historically Edomite lands between Judah and the Red Sea. Thisfavorable combination of conditions would come and go throughout thebiblical period, and with it, Israel’s modest presence on theseas. From the Phoenician point of view, cooperation with Israel wasan essential component of gaining access to a Red Sea port, and withit to the products of Arabia, the Horn of Africa, and India. ThePhoenicians, as expansive as their travel was in the Mediterranean,could never independently control the long overland route fromPhoenicia to the Red Sea, since it ran through the territory ofIsrael and Edom. Their best hope was a friendly and powerfulIsraelite ally. This explains the cordial relationship and why Hiramsent not only his sailors to serve Solomon but also craftsmen andsupplies for the construction of the temple (1Kings 5:10–12).Solomon and Hiram jointly operated “a fleet of trading ships”that would return to port every three years bringing “gold,silver, and ivory, and apes and baboons” (1Kings 10:22).

Jehoshaphat.In the mid-ninth century BC, King Jehoshaphat of Judah attempted torepeat Solomon’s feat of launching a fleet from Ezion Geber(1Kings 22:48–49; 2Chron. 20:35–37).According to both accounts, the ships were wrecked before they couldset sail. On several other points, however, the two versions of thestory disagree in ways that bear on questions of the political andeconomic conditions of Israelite seafaring.

Bythis time, Israel and Judah had split into separate kingdoms, withthe northern kingdom of Israel being geographically and politicallycloser to the Phoenicians. The powerful King Ahab of Israel,Jehoshaphat’s contemporary through much of his reign, marriedJezebel, the daughter of the Sidonian (Phoenician) king Ethbaal(1Kings 16:31). According to 1Kings, King Ahaziah ofIsrael (Ahab’s son) proposed to cooperate with Jehoshaphat bysending his own men on the voyage, much as Hiram had assisted Solomonin the previous century. Jehoshaphat rejected the suggestion,possibly indicating a bid for Judean autonomy in an era of northerndominance. According to 2Chronicles, however, Jehoshaphat didcooperate willingly with Ahaziah, and this was the reason that theships foundered in port: God punished the righteous Jehoshaphat fortoo close a relationship with his wicked northern counterpart. In1Kings 22:47 it is mentioned that at the time of Jehoshaphat’sventure there was no king in Edom. As noted, control of the overlandroute between Judah and the Red Sea was necessary for the success ofany voyage originating from Ezion Geber.

Howeverthe contradiction between 1Kings and 2Chroniclesregarding the involvement of Ahaziah is resolved, both versions ofthe story highlight the fact that the port at Ezion Geber commandedthe interest of the Judeans, the Israelites, and the Phoenicians, andits successful operation probably depended on the cooperation of allthree.

Shipsof Tarshish.Several biblical texts, including the stories of Solomon andJehoshaphat, mention “ships of Tarshish” (1Kings10:22 NIV mg.). In a number of contexts, such ships are associatedwith the transportation of metals and metal ores, including iron,lead, tin, gold, and silver (1Kings 10:22; Ezek. 27:12; Jer.10:9). The exact derivation of the term “ships of Tarshish”is uncertain, though it is clear from the descriptions of theircargoes that such ships could travel over long distances. As Ezekielobserves, “The ships of Tarshish serve as carriers for yourwares. You are filled with heavy cargo as you sail the sea. Youroarsmen take you out to the high seas” (Ezek. 27:25–26).

Inthe Table of Nations, Tarshish is listed as a descendant of Javan(Gen. 10:4), along with a number of other seafaring peoples of theeastern Mediterranean (“Javan” indicates the peoples ofthe Aegean and is linguistically equivalent to “Ionia”[see also Ezek. 27:12–22]). Some have suggested, then, that theships of Tarshish should be associated with Tarsus in southeasternTurkey, an area containing silver mines (also the birthplace of Paul[Acts 9:11]). Others have suggested the Phoenician colony ofTartessus in Spain, another metal-producing area. This locationfigures in the interpretation of the identification of thedestination of Jonah as Tarshish (Jon. 1:3): presumably, if he wereavoiding Nineveh and departing from Joppa, he would head towardSpain, in the exact opposite direction, rather than toward Tarsus inCilicia.

Inaddition to these two geographical options, some have attempted toexplain the expression “ships of Tarshish” as derivingfrom the Akkadian term for smelting or refining: perhaps the manyreferences to cargoes of metals indicate that the ships were used totransport metal ore to refining centers. Finally, one scholar hasproposed that the term is related to the Greek word tarsos,meaning “oar.”

Descriptionsof ships and seafaring.Ezekiel, in his lament concerning the Phoenician city of Tyre (Ezek.27), relates a number of details related to Phoenician seafaring. Thepicture largely confirms the descriptions of how Solomon built andmanned his fleet with the assistance of his Tyrian ally. Timber forthe construction of the ship came from Lebanon and Cyprus, amongother places (vv. 5–6). Sails were made from Egyptian linen(v.7), and as noted above, the oarsmen and sailors were fromthe Phoenician city-states (vv. 8–9). Ezekiel goes on to list alarge number of ports of call as well as a dazzling variety ofcargoes (vv. 12–24). Notably, Ezekiel has the Judahites and theIsraelites offering the products of their agrarian economy—“wheatfrom Minnith and confections, honey, olive oil and balm”(v.17)—thus filling out the picture of what theIsraelites gave in exchange for the precious metals and luxury itemsimported by their country from elsewhere.

In1999 archaeologists explored two eighth-century BC Phoenician shipsthat had sunk thirty miles west of Ashkelon. The ships, eachmeasuring about fifty feet in length, contained large cargoes of wineand were headed either for Egypt or for the Phoenician colonies inthe western Mediterranean.

Shipsand sailing figure prominently in the story of Jonah, who boarded aship bound for Tarshish (see discussion above) at Joppa on theMediterranean coast. In the story we see a number of features ofancient sea travel. Jonah paid a fare for his voyage (Jon. 1:3). Notonly the biblical author (see 1:4), but also the presumablynon-Israelite sailors, believed that the great storm was the doing ofa god, and that it could be calmed by appealing to that god(1:6)—although cargo was thrown overboard for good measure.When Paul was caught in a storm in the first century AD, the samestrategies were still in use (Acts 27:38). The religious habits ofancient sailors, particularly their reverence for the gods whocontrolled the stormy seas and thus held their lives in the balance,are illuminated by the discovery of stone anchors in several temples(presumably left by sailors as offerings), including at the portcities of Ugarit, Kition, and Byblos.

Psalm107:23–32 speaks of God’s care of sailors from anIsraelite perspective. In the psalm, those who “went out on thesea in ships,” the “merchants on the mighty waters”(i.e., the deep, open sea), witness firsthand the works of the God ofIsrael, which include both the raising and the quieting of the storm.This passage vividly expresses the terror of being caught in a stormand the great relief and gratitude felt by sailors who reached safehaven.

Noah’sArk

Accordingto the biblical account, Noah’s ark was 450 feet long, 75 feetwide, and 45 feet high (300 cubits by 50 cubits by 30 cubits [Gen.6:15]). It had three decks, a roof, and a window. By comparison, theship of Uta-napishti in the Epic of Gilgamesh is described as havingsix decks (and thus seven stories), edges of 180 feet (ten dozencubits) in each dimension, and occupying the space of an acre (arough approximation of the dimensions given). Both ships aredescribed as providing space for the builder’s family and everyliving creature. In the Atrahasis Epic, the boat is roofed, but itsdimensions are not given.

Becauseof the character of Gen. 6–8, it is inappropriate to drawconclusions from the story regarding shipbuilding in historicalantiquity. According to the specifications given in the biblicaltext, Noah’s ark would have been the largest wooden ship inhistory, equaled only by the United States schooner Wyoming,completed in 1909. While the overall length of the Wyoming was also450 feet, nearly 100 feet of length was accounted for in the fore andaft booms, so that the hull length was only 350 feet. Even with earlytwentieth-century shipbuilding technology, its extravagant lengthrendered the Wyoming unseaworthy, and the ship foundered in 1924. Thelargest documented wooden ships of antiquity include the GreekSyracusia(third century BC; 180 feet), described by Athenaeus; the Roman Isis(second century AD; 180 feet), described by Lucian; Caligula’s“Giant Ship” (first century AD; 341 feet), recovered inmodern times and possibly corresponding to a ship described by Plinythe Elder; and PtolemyIV’s Tessarakonteres (third centuryBC), reported by Plutarch to have been about 425 feet long. This lastship was not designed for cruising in open water.

NewTestament

Fishingin the Sea of Galilee. Severalof Jesus’ disciples worked as fishermen on the Sea of Galilee,and the Gospels document their use of small boats for fishing andtraveling across the sea. Fishing was done with nets thrown both fromboats and from the shore (Mark 1:16, 19). The boats used by fishermenon the Sea of Galilee may have been small enough to pull up onto thebeach (Luke 5:2), or to be nearly capsized by a large catch of fish(Luke 5:7) or by a violent storm (Mark 4:37). They were large enoughto transport several men and even to sleep in (Mark 4:38). Such boatscould be rowed or sailed; in Mark 6:48 the disciples had to resort torowing because of an unfavorable headwind. On one occasion, Jesusstood in a boat to preach to a crowd gathered on the shore (Mark4:1). The Sea of Galilee is about eight miles wide and thirteen mileslong. On several occasions, Jesus traveled by boat across the sea toavoid having to walk long distances around its circumference (e.g.,Matt. 9:1; 14:22; 15:39).

In1986 archaeologists recovered a fishing boat dating to the mid-firstcentury AD on the shore of the Sea of Galilee. The boat had beenscuttled near the shore and was preserved under mud. The “JesusBoat,” as it was dubbed, measures twenty-seven feet in lengthand has a beam seven and a half feet long. Numerous species of woodwere used in its construction and repairs throughout its useful life.While there is no evidence to link the boat to Jesus or hisdisciples, radiometric dating places it in the correct period, and itprovides a likely model of the type of boat portrayed in the Gospels.

Asecond source of information regarding ships and sailing in the NT isthe account in Acts of Paul’s many sea voyages. As in the caseof Jehoshaphat, the Tyrians, Jonah, and Jesus’ disciples, Paullearned firsthand the perils of seafaring in small wooden boats:among his many traumas, along with beatings and stonings, herecalled, “Three times I was shipwrecked, I spent a night and aday in the open sea” (2Cor. 11:25).

Paul’sjourneys.A survey of Paul’s sea travels on his four journeys gives someidea of the routes that could be taken by a paying traveler in theeastern Mediterranean and Aegean.

1.Paul’s first missionary journey included voyages from Seleuciain Syria to the port of Salamis in Cyprus (Acts 13:4) and from Cyprus(Paphos) to Perga on the southern coast of Asia Minor (13:13). Afterjourneying through the interior, Paul returned to Attalia, where heembarked for the return trip to Syria, presumably passing againthrough the port at Salamis (14:26).

2.The second missionary journey began not with a sea voyage but ratherwith a trek through the interior of Syria and Cilicia, illustratingthat although sea travel was by far a more rapid means of travel, theoverland routes were by no means impossible (Acts 15:39). Paul wouldrepeat this land route during his third journey (19:1). Sea travelwas fast, but when one had plenty of friends along the alternativeland route, a sea journey was considerably less enjoyable. It isduring the second journey that we have the first recorded accounts ofPaul sailing in the Aegean. From Troas in Asia Minor, he sailed theshort distance to Macedonia (16:11), putting in midway at the islandof Samothrace. Apparently, Paul traveled by sea down the coast fromBerea to Athens (17:14). At the conclusion of his second journey,Paul sailed from Corinth to Caesarea, with a stop at Ephesus(18:18–22). Not counting any intervening ports of call notmentioned in the text, this would be the longest single leg of seatravel so far mentioned.

3.The third missionary journey once more began with a long overlandtrip from Syria through Asia Minor; by this time, Paul had manyassociates along the way to visit. Again, he sailed in the Aegean,from Ephesus to Macedonia (Acts 20:1) and back (20:6). At one point,Paul opted to travel overland, from Troas to Assos, while hiscompanions sailed down the coast (20:13). Meeting up with them, hesailed on, hugging the coast of Asia Minor, then sailing south ofCyprus along an open-water route to Tyre. From Tyre, the ship againhugged the Palestinian coast, stopping in several ports before Pauldisembarked at Caesarea (21:7). Paul’s journeys illustrate thevariety of itineraries taken by ships. They were capable of sailingin deep water, but they would also hug the coast when there werereasons to make frequent stops.

4.Paul’s fourth journey, which he made in custody on his way to atrial before the emperor at Rome, was to be the most dangerous. Fromthe account in Acts we can glean a number of details of life at seain the first century AD. The ship bound for Italy was large, and itcarried 276 passengers and crew (Acts 27:6, 37), including soldiersand prisoners, at least one companion of a prisoner (Paul’sfriend Aristarchus [27:2]), a ship’s pilot, and the ship’sowner (27:11). Sailors used celestial navigation (27:20) and tooksoundings in shallow water (27:28). We see also that the ship’scourse could be determined by the direction of the prevailing winds:twice during the journey Paul’s ship was forced to sail to thelee of large islands (Cyprus and Crete)—a longer journey, butthe only option for a ship that was not rigged to sail close-hauled.

Whenextended periods of unfavorable weather were forecast, one option wassimply to put in at a port until conditions improved, preferably in aharbor that was in the lee of an island (Acts 27:12). We learnsomething of the measures that were taken in heavy weather, many ofwhich are still used in modern times: ropes were tied around the hullof the ship to prevent it from breaking up in rough seas (27:17), thelifeboat was brought onto the deck and made fast (27:17), sea anchorswere deployed to keep the bow of the ship oriented into the oncomingwaves (27:7), the rudder was lashed amidships (27:40), valuable cargoand gear were jettisoned (27:19, 38), and, as in the days of Jonah,sailors and passengers prayed for divine deliverance (27:29; see alsothe protective emblems in 28:11).

Whenall other means had been exhausted, a ship could be run aground on asandy beach (Acts 27:39), a measure that would have risked damage tothe boat but saved lives. In the case of Paul’s ship, thedecision to run aground ultimately resulted in the destruction of theship (27:41).

Metaphorsand illustrations.Several NT authors draw illustrations from the nautical world. Jameslikens the harmful power of evil speech to the rudder of a ship:although it is a small device, by it the pilot can control a greatship (James 3:4–5). Elsewhere, he compares the doubting of theunwise person to being lost at sea in a storm (James 1:6; cf. Eph.4:14). In 1Tim. 1:19 the loss of faith and good conscience islikened to a shipwreck. Hebrews 6:19 describes the assurance of God’sfaithfulness as an anchor for the soul.

OldTestament

Phoeniciansand Philistines. Asa people whose ancestral territory lay in the landlocked andtimber-poor highlands of Ephraim and Judah, the Israelites ofbiblical times never achieved prominence in seafaring orshipbuilding. Instead, they relied for their maritime enterprises onalliances with their coastal neighbors, particularly the Phoenicianstates to the north of Israel, who excelled in seafaring and hadaccess to the abundant timber forests of Lebanon. The Phoenicians(the Punics of classical antiquity) were famous in antiquity fortheir seafaring. In biblical times, they traded heavily betweenSyria-Palestine and Egypt and also sailed throughout theMediterranean, establishing colonies as far away as Tunisia(Carthage) and Spain (Cadiz).

Anotherseagoing people prominent in the OT were the Philistines, whose baseof power was to the west of Judah, along the Mediterranean coast. TheBible associates the Philistines with the five cities of Ashdod,Ashkelon, Ekron, Gath, and Gaza. The Philistines were among the SeaPeoples, who came to the Levant from the Aegean beginning in thetwelfth century BC (Amos 9:7; Jer. 47:4).

Theperennial enmity between the Philistines and the Israelites precludedjoint maritime ventures of the sort shared by Israel and thePhoenicians, and the Bible does not describe Philistine maritimeactivities in any depth. Nevertheless, the seagoing nature of thePhilistines is reflected by the fact that their settlements remainedconfined to the coastal region. They never made a systematic attemptto take over the traditionally Israelite and Judahite highlands. Whenthey did venture into the Judean mountains, it was to assert amilitary and political presence among the agrarian Israelites andJudahites rather than to establish permanent settlements andPhilistine population centers. Twelfth-century BC reliefs at MedinetHabu (in the mortuary temple of RamessesIII) depict a navalbattle between the Sea Peoples and the Egyptians. The reliefs includepictures of Philistine ships and sailors.

Israeliteseafaring.One of the rare references to Israelite seafaring describes theDanites and the Asherites in connection with ships and harbors (Judg.5:17; see also Ezek. 27:19). Traditional Danite territory overlappedwith the area of Philistine settlement. Asherite territory overlappedsubstantially with Phoenician territory. It is possible that Judg.5:17 refers to the fact that the Danites and the Asherites worked inthe port cities serving Philistine and Phoenician shipping. Inanother passage, Zebulun is associated with ports (Gen. 49:13). It isnoteworthy that the Israelite coast between Jaffa and Dor (roughlybetween Philistia and Phoenicia) does not have an abundance ofnatural harbors. Later, Herod the Great would build the artificialharbor at Caesarea in the first century BC. The great expense of sucha project—including the construction of over 2,500 feet ofbreakwaters made of underwater concrete, mostly imported fromItaly—suggests the extent of the need for secure harbors inthis region.

Solomon’sfleet.The zenith of Israelite seafaring occurred during the reign ofSolomon. Solomon built a fleet of ships at “Ezion Geber, whichis near Elath in Edom, on the shore of the Red Sea” (1Kings9:26). The purpose of these ships was to bring back gold from Ophir(1Kings 9:28), possibly a location in the Arabian Peninsula, towhich a port on the Red Sea would have offered ready access. Thestory confirms the aforementioned dependence on the Phoenicians inthe area of seafaring: although the ships belonged to Solomon, “Hiram[the Phoenician king of Tyre] sent his men—sailors who knew thesea—to serve in the fleet with Solomon’s men”(1Kings 9:27). The timber for the ships would also have beenimported by Israel from Phoenicia (see 1Kings 9:11). Even atthe height of its power, Israel lacked the human resources to embarkon sea voyages independently of the Phoenicians.

Thesuccess of Solomon’s project, of course, depended not only onwarm relations with the Phoenicians but also on territorial controlof the historically Edomite lands between Judah and the Red Sea. Thisfavorable combination of conditions would come and go throughout thebiblical period, and with it, Israel’s modest presence on theseas. From the Phoenician point of view, cooperation with Israel wasan essential component of gaining access to a Red Sea port, and withit to the products of Arabia, the Horn of Africa, and India. ThePhoenicians, as expansive as their travel was in the Mediterranean,could never independently control the long overland route fromPhoenicia to the Red Sea, since it ran through the territory ofIsrael and Edom. Their best hope was a friendly and powerfulIsraelite ally. This explains the cordial relationship and why Hiramsent not only his sailors to serve Solomon but also craftsmen andsupplies for the construction of the temple (1Kings 5:10–12).Solomon and Hiram jointly operated “a fleet of trading ships”that would return to port every three years bringing “gold,silver, and ivory, and apes and baboons” (1Kings 10:22).

Jehoshaphat.In the mid-ninth century BC, King Jehoshaphat of Judah attempted torepeat Solomon’s feat of launching a fleet from Ezion Geber(1Kings 22:48–49; 2Chron. 20:35–37).According to both accounts, the ships were wrecked before they couldset sail. On several other points, however, the two versions of thestory disagree in ways that bear on questions of the political andeconomic conditions of Israelite seafaring.

Bythis time, Israel and Judah had split into separate kingdoms, withthe northern kingdom of Israel being geographically and politicallycloser to the Phoenicians. The powerful King Ahab of Israel,Jehoshaphat’s contemporary through much of his reign, marriedJezebel, the daughter of the Sidonian (Phoenician) king Ethbaal(1Kings 16:31). According to 1Kings, King Ahaziah ofIsrael (Ahab’s son) proposed to cooperate with Jehoshaphat bysending his own men on the voyage, much as Hiram had assisted Solomonin the previous century. Jehoshaphat rejected the suggestion,possibly indicating a bid for Judean autonomy in an era of northerndominance. According to 2Chronicles, however, Jehoshaphat didcooperate willingly with Ahaziah, and this was the reason that theships foundered in port: God punished the righteous Jehoshaphat fortoo close a relationship with his wicked northern counterpart. In1Kings 22:47 it is mentioned that at the time of Jehoshaphat’sventure there was no king in Edom. As noted, control of the overlandroute between Judah and the Red Sea was necessary for the success ofany voyage originating from Ezion Geber.

Howeverthe contradiction between 1Kings and 2Chroniclesregarding the involvement of Ahaziah is resolved, both versions ofthe story highlight the fact that the port at Ezion Geber commandedthe interest of the Judeans, the Israelites, and the Phoenicians, andits successful operation probably depended on the cooperation of allthree.

Shipsof Tarshish.Several biblical texts, including the stories of Solomon andJehoshaphat, mention “ships of Tarshish” (1Kings10:22 NIV mg.). In a number of contexts, such ships are associatedwith the transportation of metals and metal ores, including iron,lead, tin, gold, and silver (1Kings 10:22; Ezek. 27:12; Jer.10:9). The exact derivation of the term “ships of Tarshish”is uncertain, though it is clear from the descriptions of theircargoes that such ships could travel over long distances. As Ezekielobserves, “The ships of Tarshish serve as carriers for yourwares. You are filled with heavy cargo as you sail the sea. Youroarsmen take you out to the high seas” (Ezek. 27:25–26).

Inthe Table of Nations, Tarshish is listed as a descendant of Javan(Gen. 10:4), along with a number of other seafaring peoples of theeastern Mediterranean (“Javan” indicates the peoples ofthe Aegean and is linguistically equivalent to “Ionia”[see also Ezek. 27:12–22]). Some have suggested, then, that theships of Tarshish should be associated with Tarsus in southeasternTurkey, an area containing silver mines (also the birthplace of Paul[Acts 9:11]). Others have suggested the Phoenician colony ofTartessus in Spain, another metal-producing area. This locationfigures in the interpretation of the identification of thedestination of Jonah as Tarshish (Jon. 1:3): presumably, if he wereavoiding Nineveh and departing from Joppa, he would head towardSpain, in the exact opposite direction, rather than toward Tarsus inCilicia.

Inaddition to these two geographical options, some have attempted toexplain the expression “ships of Tarshish” as derivingfrom the Akkadian term for smelting or refining: perhaps the manyreferences to cargoes of metals indicate that the ships were used totransport metal ore to refining centers. Finally, one scholar hasproposed that the term is related to the Greek word tarsos,meaning “oar.”

Descriptionsof ships and seafaring.Ezekiel, in his lament concerning the Phoenician city of Tyre (Ezek.27), relates a number of details related to Phoenician seafaring. Thepicture largely confirms the descriptions of how Solomon built andmanned his fleet with the assistance of his Tyrian ally. Timber forthe construction of the ship came from Lebanon and Cyprus, amongother places (vv. 5–6). Sails were made from Egyptian linen(v.7), and as noted above, the oarsmen and sailors were fromthe Phoenician city-states (vv. 8–9). Ezekiel goes on to list alarge number of ports of call as well as a dazzling variety ofcargoes (vv. 12–24). Notably, Ezekiel has the Judahites and theIsraelites offering the products of their agrarian economy—“wheatfrom Minnith and confections, honey, olive oil and balm”(v.17)—thus filling out the picture of what theIsraelites gave in exchange for the precious metals and luxury itemsimported by their country from elsewhere.

In1999 archaeologists explored two eighth-century BC Phoenician shipsthat had sunk thirty miles west of Ashkelon. The ships, eachmeasuring about fifty feet in length, contained large cargoes of wineand were headed either for Egypt or for the Phoenician colonies inthe western Mediterranean.

Shipsand sailing figure prominently in the story of Jonah, who boarded aship bound for Tarshish (see discussion above) at Joppa on theMediterranean coast. In the story we see a number of features ofancient sea travel. Jonah paid a fare for his voyage (Jon. 1:3). Notonly the biblical author (see 1:4), but also the presumablynon-Israelite sailors, believed that the great storm was the doing ofa god, and that it could be calmed by appealing to that god(1:6)—although cargo was thrown overboard for good measure.When Paul was caught in a storm in the first century AD, the samestrategies were still in use (Acts 27:38). The religious habits ofancient sailors, particularly their reverence for the gods whocontrolled the stormy seas and thus held their lives in the balance,are illuminated by the discovery of stone anchors in several temples(presumably left by sailors as offerings), including at the portcities of Ugarit, Kition, and Byblos.

Psalm107:23–32 speaks of God’s care of sailors from anIsraelite perspective. In the psalm, those who “went out on thesea in ships,” the “merchants on the mighty waters”(i.e., the deep, open sea), witness firsthand the works of the God ofIsrael, which include both the raising and the quieting of the storm.This passage vividly expresses the terror of being caught in a stormand the great relief and gratitude felt by sailors who reached safehaven.

Noah’sArk

Accordingto the biblical account, Noah’s ark was 450 feet long, 75 feetwide, and 45 feet high (300 cubits by 50 cubits by 30 cubits [Gen.6:15]). It had three decks, a roof, and a window. By comparison, theship of Uta-napishti in the Epic of Gilgamesh is described as havingsix decks (and thus seven stories), edges of 180 feet (ten dozencubits) in each dimension, and occupying the space of an acre (arough approximation of the dimensions given). Both ships aredescribed as providing space for the builder’s family and everyliving creature. In the Atrahasis Epic, the boat is roofed, but itsdimensions are not given.

Becauseof the character of Gen. 6–8, it is inappropriate to drawconclusions from the story regarding shipbuilding in historicalantiquity. According to the specifications given in the biblicaltext, Noah’s ark would have been the largest wooden ship inhistory, equaled only by the United States schooner Wyoming,completed in 1909. While the overall length of the Wyoming was also450 feet, nearly 100 feet of length was accounted for in the fore andaft booms, so that the hull length was only 350 feet. Even with earlytwentieth-century shipbuilding technology, its extravagant lengthrendered the Wyoming unseaworthy, and the ship foundered in 1924. Thelargest documented wooden ships of antiquity include the GreekSyracusia(third century BC; 180 feet), described by Athenaeus; the Roman Isis(second century AD; 180 feet), described by Lucian; Caligula’s“Giant Ship” (first century AD; 341 feet), recovered inmodern times and possibly corresponding to a ship described by Plinythe Elder; and PtolemyIV’s Tessarakonteres (third centuryBC), reported by Plutarch to have been about 425 feet long. This lastship was not designed for cruising in open water.

NewTestament

Fishingin the Sea of Galilee. Severalof Jesus’ disciples worked as fishermen on the Sea of Galilee,and the Gospels document their use of small boats for fishing andtraveling across the sea. Fishing was done with nets thrown both fromboats and from the shore (Mark 1:16, 19). The boats used by fishermenon the Sea of Galilee may have been small enough to pull up onto thebeach (Luke 5:2), or to be nearly capsized by a large catch of fish(Luke 5:7) or by a violent storm (Mark 4:37). They were large enoughto transport several men and even to sleep in (Mark 4:38). Such boatscould be rowed or sailed; in Mark 6:48 the disciples had to resort torowing because of an unfavorable headwind. On one occasion, Jesusstood in a boat to preach to a crowd gathered on the shore (Mark4:1). The Sea of Galilee is about eight miles wide and thirteen mileslong. On several occasions, Jesus traveled by boat across the sea toavoid having to walk long distances around its circumference (e.g.,Matt. 9:1; 14:22; 15:39).

In1986 archaeologists recovered a fishing boat dating to the mid-firstcentury AD on the shore of the Sea of Galilee. The boat had beenscuttled near the shore and was preserved under mud. The “JesusBoat,” as it was dubbed, measures twenty-seven feet in lengthand has a beam seven and a half feet long. Numerous species of woodwere used in its construction and repairs throughout its useful life.While there is no evidence to link the boat to Jesus or hisdisciples, radiometric dating places it in the correct period, and itprovides a likely model of the type of boat portrayed in the Gospels.

Asecond source of information regarding ships and sailing in the NT isthe account in Acts of Paul’s many sea voyages. As in the caseof Jehoshaphat, the Tyrians, Jonah, and Jesus’ disciples, Paullearned firsthand the perils of seafaring in small wooden boats:among his many traumas, along with beatings and stonings, herecalled, “Three times I was shipwrecked, I spent a night and aday in the open sea” (2Cor. 11:25).

Paul’sjourneys.A survey of Paul’s sea travels on his four journeys gives someidea of the routes that could be taken by a paying traveler in theeastern Mediterranean and Aegean.

1.Paul’s first missionary journey included voyages from Seleuciain Syria to the port of Salamis in Cyprus (Acts 13:4) and from Cyprus(Paphos) to Perga on the southern coast of Asia Minor (13:13). Afterjourneying through the interior, Paul returned to Attalia, where heembarked for the return trip to Syria, presumably passing againthrough the port at Salamis (14:26).

2.The second missionary journey began not with a sea voyage but ratherwith a trek through the interior of Syria and Cilicia, illustratingthat although sea travel was by far a more rapid means of travel, theoverland routes were by no means impossible (Acts 15:39). Paul wouldrepeat this land route during his third journey (19:1). Sea travelwas fast, but when one had plenty of friends along the alternativeland route, a sea journey was considerably less enjoyable. It isduring the second journey that we have the first recorded accounts ofPaul sailing in the Aegean. From Troas in Asia Minor, he sailed theshort distance to Macedonia (16:11), putting in midway at the islandof Samothrace. Apparently, Paul traveled by sea down the coast fromBerea to Athens (17:14). At the conclusion of his second journey,Paul sailed from Corinth to Caesarea, with a stop at Ephesus(18:18–22). Not counting any intervening ports of call notmentioned in the text, this would be the longest single leg of seatravel so far mentioned.

3.The third missionary journey once more began with a long overlandtrip from Syria through Asia Minor; by this time, Paul had manyassociates along the way to visit. Again, he sailed in the Aegean,from Ephesus to Macedonia (Acts 20:1) and back (20:6). At one point,Paul opted to travel overland, from Troas to Assos, while hiscompanions sailed down the coast (20:13). Meeting up with them, hesailed on, hugging the coast of Asia Minor, then sailing south ofCyprus along an open-water route to Tyre. From Tyre, the ship againhugged the Palestinian coast, stopping in several ports before Pauldisembarked at Caesarea (21:7). Paul’s journeys illustrate thevariety of itineraries taken by ships. They were capable of sailingin deep water, but they would also hug the coast when there werereasons to make frequent stops.

4.Paul’s fourth journey, which he made in custody on his way to atrial before the emperor at Rome, was to be the most dangerous. Fromthe account in Acts we can glean a number of details of life at seain the first century AD. The ship bound for Italy was large, and itcarried 276 passengers and crew (Acts 27:6, 37), including soldiersand prisoners, at least one companion of a prisoner (Paul’sfriend Aristarchus [27:2]), a ship’s pilot, and the ship’sowner (27:11). Sailors used celestial navigation (27:20) and tooksoundings in shallow water (27:28). We see also that the ship’scourse could be determined by the direction of the prevailing winds:twice during the journey Paul’s ship was forced to sail to thelee of large islands (Cyprus and Crete)—a longer journey, butthe only option for a ship that was not rigged to sail close-hauled.

Whenextended periods of unfavorable weather were forecast, one option wassimply to put in at a port until conditions improved, preferably in aharbor that was in the lee of an island (Acts 27:12). We learnsomething of the measures that were taken in heavy weather, many ofwhich are still used in modern times: ropes were tied around the hullof the ship to prevent it from breaking up in rough seas (27:17), thelifeboat was brought onto the deck and made fast (27:17), sea anchorswere deployed to keep the bow of the ship oriented into the oncomingwaves (27:7), the rudder was lashed amidships (27:40), valuable cargoand gear were jettisoned (27:19, 38), and, as in the days of Jonah,sailors and passengers prayed for divine deliverance (27:29; see alsothe protective emblems in 28:11).

Whenall other means had been exhausted, a ship could be run aground on asandy beach (Acts 27:39), a measure that would have risked damage tothe boat but saved lives. In the case of Paul’s ship, thedecision to run aground ultimately resulted in the destruction of theship (27:41).

Metaphorsand illustrations.Several NT authors draw illustrations from the nautical world. Jameslikens the harmful power of evil speech to the rudder of a ship:although it is a small device, by it the pilot can control a greatship (James 3:4–5). Elsewhere, he compares the doubting of theunwise person to being lost at sea in a storm (James 1:6; cf. Eph.4:14). In 1Tim. 1:19 the loss of faith and good conscience islikened to a shipwreck. Hebrews 6:19 describes the assurance of God’sfaithfulness as an anchor for the soul.

OldTestament

Phoeniciansand Philistines. Asa people whose ancestral territory lay in the landlocked andtimber-poor highlands of Ephraim and Judah, the Israelites ofbiblical times never achieved prominence in seafaring orshipbuilding. Instead, they relied for their maritime enterprises onalliances with their coastal neighbors, particularly the Phoenicianstates to the north of Israel, who excelled in seafaring and hadaccess to the abundant timber forests of Lebanon. The Phoenicians(the Punics of classical antiquity) were famous in antiquity fortheir seafaring. In biblical times, they traded heavily betweenSyria-Palestine and Egypt and also sailed throughout theMediterranean, establishing colonies as far away as Tunisia(Carthage) and Spain (Cadiz).

Anotherseagoing people prominent in the OT were the Philistines, whose baseof power was to the west of Judah, along the Mediterranean coast. TheBible associates the Philistines with the five cities of Ashdod,Ashkelon, Ekron, Gath, and Gaza. The Philistines were among the SeaPeoples, who came to the Levant from the Aegean beginning in thetwelfth century BC (Amos 9:7; Jer. 47:4).

Theperennial enmity between the Philistines and the Israelites precludedjoint maritime ventures of the sort shared by Israel and thePhoenicians, and the Bible does not describe Philistine maritimeactivities in any depth. Nevertheless, the seagoing nature of thePhilistines is reflected by the fact that their settlements remainedconfined to the coastal region. They never made a systematic attemptto take over the traditionally Israelite and Judahite highlands. Whenthey did venture into the Judean mountains, it was to assert amilitary and political presence among the agrarian Israelites andJudahites rather than to establish permanent settlements andPhilistine population centers. Twelfth-century BC reliefs at MedinetHabu (in the mortuary temple of RamessesIII) depict a navalbattle between the Sea Peoples and the Egyptians. The reliefs includepictures of Philistine ships and sailors.

Israeliteseafaring.One of the rare references to Israelite seafaring describes theDanites and the Asherites in connection with ships and harbors (Judg.5:17; see also Ezek. 27:19). Traditional Danite territory overlappedwith the area of Philistine settlement. Asherite territory overlappedsubstantially with Phoenician territory. It is possible that Judg.5:17 refers to the fact that the Danites and the Asherites worked inthe port cities serving Philistine and Phoenician shipping. Inanother passage, Zebulun is associated with ports (Gen. 49:13). It isnoteworthy that the Israelite coast between Jaffa and Dor (roughlybetween Philistia and Phoenicia) does not have an abundance ofnatural harbors. Later, Herod the Great would build the artificialharbor at Caesarea in the first century BC. The great expense of sucha project—including the construction of over 2,500 feet ofbreakwaters made of underwater concrete, mostly imported fromItaly—suggests the extent of the need for secure harbors inthis region.

Solomon’sfleet.The zenith of Israelite seafaring occurred during the reign ofSolomon. Solomon built a fleet of ships at “Ezion Geber, whichis near Elath in Edom, on the shore of the Red Sea” (1Kings9:26). The purpose of these ships was to bring back gold from Ophir(1Kings 9:28), possibly a location in the Arabian Peninsula, towhich a port on the Red Sea would have offered ready access. Thestory confirms the aforementioned dependence on the Phoenicians inthe area of seafaring: although the ships belonged to Solomon, “Hiram[the Phoenician king of Tyre] sent his men—sailors who knew thesea—to serve in the fleet with Solomon’s men”(1Kings 9:27). The timber for the ships would also have beenimported by Israel from Phoenicia (see 1Kings 9:11). Even atthe height of its power, Israel lacked the human resources to embarkon sea voyages independently of the Phoenicians.

Thesuccess of Solomon’s project, of course, depended not only onwarm relations with the Phoenicians but also on territorial controlof the historically Edomite lands between Judah and the Red Sea. Thisfavorable combination of conditions would come and go throughout thebiblical period, and with it, Israel’s modest presence on theseas. From the Phoenician point of view, cooperation with Israel wasan essential component of gaining access to a Red Sea port, and withit to the products of Arabia, the Horn of Africa, and India. ThePhoenicians, as expansive as their travel was in the Mediterranean,could never independently control the long overland route fromPhoenicia to the Red Sea, since it ran through the territory ofIsrael and Edom. Their best hope was a friendly and powerfulIsraelite ally. This explains the cordial relationship and why Hiramsent not only his sailors to serve Solomon but also craftsmen andsupplies for the construction of the temple (1Kings 5:10–12).Solomon and Hiram jointly operated “a fleet of trading ships”that would return to port every three years bringing “gold,silver, and ivory, and apes and baboons” (1Kings 10:22).

Jehoshaphat.In the mid-ninth century BC, King Jehoshaphat of Judah attempted torepeat Solomon’s feat of launching a fleet from Ezion Geber(1Kings 22:48–49; 2Chron. 20:35–37).According to both accounts, the ships were wrecked before they couldset sail. On several other points, however, the two versions of thestory disagree in ways that bear on questions of the political andeconomic conditions of Israelite seafaring.

Bythis time, Israel and Judah had split into separate kingdoms, withthe northern kingdom of Israel being geographically and politicallycloser to the Phoenicians. The powerful King Ahab of Israel,Jehoshaphat’s contemporary through much of his reign, marriedJezebel, the daughter of the Sidonian (Phoenician) king Ethbaal(1Kings 16:31). According to 1Kings, King Ahaziah ofIsrael (Ahab’s son) proposed to cooperate with Jehoshaphat bysending his own men on the voyage, much as Hiram had assisted Solomonin the previous century. Jehoshaphat rejected the suggestion,possibly indicating a bid for Judean autonomy in an era of northerndominance. According to 2Chronicles, however, Jehoshaphat didcooperate willingly with Ahaziah, and this was the reason that theships foundered in port: God punished the righteous Jehoshaphat fortoo close a relationship with his wicked northern counterpart. In1Kings 22:47 it is mentioned that at the time of Jehoshaphat’sventure there was no king in Edom. As noted, control of the overlandroute between Judah and the Red Sea was necessary for the success ofany voyage originating from Ezion Geber.

Howeverthe contradiction between 1Kings and 2Chroniclesregarding the involvement of Ahaziah is resolved, both versions ofthe story highlight the fact that the port at Ezion Geber commandedthe interest of the Judeans, the Israelites, and the Phoenicians, andits successful operation probably depended on the cooperation of allthree.

Shipsof Tarshish.Several biblical texts, including the stories of Solomon andJehoshaphat, mention “ships of Tarshish” (1Kings10:22 NIV mg.). In a number of contexts, such ships are associatedwith the transportation of metals and metal ores, including iron,lead, tin, gold, and silver (1Kings 10:22; Ezek. 27:12; Jer.10:9). The exact derivation of the term “ships of Tarshish”is uncertain, though it is clear from the descriptions of theircargoes that such ships could travel over long distances. As Ezekielobserves, “The ships of Tarshish serve as carriers for yourwares. You are filled with heavy cargo as you sail the sea. Youroarsmen take you out to the high seas” (Ezek. 27:25–26).

Inthe Table of Nations, Tarshish is listed as a descendant of Javan(Gen. 10:4), along with a number of other seafaring peoples of theeastern Mediterranean (“Javan” indicates the peoples ofthe Aegean and is linguistically equivalent to “Ionia”[see also Ezek. 27:12–22]). Some have suggested, then, that theships of Tarshish should be associated with Tarsus in southeasternTurkey, an area containing silver mines (also the birthplace of Paul[Acts 9:11]). Others have suggested the Phoenician colony ofTartessus in Spain, another metal-producing area. This locationfigures in the interpretation of the identification of thedestination of Jonah as Tarshish (Jon. 1:3): presumably, if he wereavoiding Nineveh and departing from Joppa, he would head towardSpain, in the exact opposite direction, rather than toward Tarsus inCilicia.

Inaddition to these two geographical options, some have attempted toexplain the expression “ships of Tarshish” as derivingfrom the Akkadian term for smelting or refining: perhaps the manyreferences to cargoes of metals indicate that the ships were used totransport metal ore to refining centers. Finally, one scholar hasproposed that the term is related to the Greek word tarsos,meaning “oar.”

Descriptionsof ships and seafaring.Ezekiel, in his lament concerning the Phoenician city of Tyre (Ezek.27), relates a number of details related to Phoenician seafaring. Thepicture largely confirms the descriptions of how Solomon built andmanned his fleet with the assistance of his Tyrian ally. Timber forthe construction of the ship came from Lebanon and Cyprus, amongother places (vv. 5–6). Sails were made from Egyptian linen(v.7), and as noted above, the oarsmen and sailors were fromthe Phoenician city-states (vv. 8–9). Ezekiel goes on to list alarge number of ports of call as well as a dazzling variety ofcargoes (vv. 12–24). Notably, Ezekiel has the Judahites and theIsraelites offering the products of their agrarian economy—“wheatfrom Minnith and confections, honey, olive oil and balm”(v.17)—thus filling out the picture of what theIsraelites gave in exchange for the precious metals and luxury itemsimported by their country from elsewhere.

In1999 archaeologists explored two eighth-century BC Phoenician shipsthat had sunk thirty miles west of Ashkelon. The ships, eachmeasuring about fifty feet in length, contained large cargoes of wineand were headed either for Egypt or for the Phoenician colonies inthe western Mediterranean.

Shipsand sailing figure prominently in the story of Jonah, who boarded aship bound for Tarshish (see discussion above) at Joppa on theMediterranean coast. In the story we see a number of features ofancient sea travel. Jonah paid a fare for his voyage (Jon. 1:3). Notonly the biblical author (see 1:4), but also the presumablynon-Israelite sailors, believed that the great storm was the doing ofa god, and that it could be calmed by appealing to that god(1:6)—although cargo was thrown overboard for good measure.When Paul was caught in a storm in the first century AD, the samestrategies were still in use (Acts 27:38). The religious habits ofancient sailors, particularly their reverence for the gods whocontrolled the stormy seas and thus held their lives in the balance,are illuminated by the discovery of stone anchors in several temples(presumably left by sailors as offerings), including at the portcities of Ugarit, Kition, and Byblos.

Psalm107:23–32 speaks of God’s care of sailors from anIsraelite perspective. In the psalm, those who “went out on thesea in ships,” the “merchants on the mighty waters”(i.e., the deep, open sea), witness firsthand the works of the God ofIsrael, which include both the raising and the quieting of the storm.This passage vividly expresses the terror of being caught in a stormand the great relief and gratitude felt by sailors who reached safehaven.

Noah’sArk

Accordingto the biblical account, Noah’s ark was 450 feet long, 75 feetwide, and 45 feet high (300 cubits by 50 cubits by 30 cubits [Gen.6:15]). It had three decks, a roof, and a window. By comparison, theship of Uta-napishti in the Epic of Gilgamesh is described as havingsix decks (and thus seven stories), edges of 180 feet (ten dozencubits) in each dimension, and occupying the space of an acre (arough approximation of the dimensions given). Both ships aredescribed as providing space for the builder’s family and everyliving creature. In the Atrahasis Epic, the boat is roofed, but itsdimensions are not given.

Becauseof the character of Gen. 6–8, it is inappropriate to drawconclusions from the story regarding shipbuilding in historicalantiquity. According to the specifications given in the biblicaltext, Noah’s ark would have been the largest wooden ship inhistory, equaled only by the United States schooner Wyoming,completed in 1909. While the overall length of the Wyoming was also450 feet, nearly 100 feet of length was accounted for in the fore andaft booms, so that the hull length was only 350 feet. Even with earlytwentieth-century shipbuilding technology, its extravagant lengthrendered the Wyoming unseaworthy, and the ship foundered in 1924. Thelargest documented wooden ships of antiquity include the GreekSyracusia(third century BC; 180 feet), described by Athenaeus; the Roman Isis(second century AD; 180 feet), described by Lucian; Caligula’s“Giant Ship” (first century AD; 341 feet), recovered inmodern times and possibly corresponding to a ship described by Plinythe Elder; and PtolemyIV’s Tessarakonteres (third centuryBC), reported by Plutarch to have been about 425 feet long. This lastship was not designed for cruising in open water.

NewTestament

Fishingin the Sea of Galilee. Severalof Jesus’ disciples worked as fishermen on the Sea of Galilee,and the Gospels document their use of small boats for fishing andtraveling across the sea. Fishing was done with nets thrown both fromboats and from the shore (Mark 1:16, 19). The boats used by fishermenon the Sea of Galilee may have been small enough to pull up onto thebeach (Luke 5:2), or to be nearly capsized by a large catch of fish(Luke 5:7) or by a violent storm (Mark 4:37). They were large enoughto transport several men and even to sleep in (Mark 4:38). Such boatscould be rowed or sailed; in Mark 6:48 the disciples had to resort torowing because of an unfavorable headwind. On one occasion, Jesusstood in a boat to preach to a crowd gathered on the shore (Mark4:1). The Sea of Galilee is about eight miles wide and thirteen mileslong. On several occasions, Jesus traveled by boat across the sea toavoid having to walk long distances around its circumference (e.g.,Matt. 9:1; 14:22; 15:39).

In1986 archaeologists recovered a fishing boat dating to the mid-firstcentury AD on the shore of the Sea of Galilee. The boat had beenscuttled near the shore and was preserved under mud. The “JesusBoat,” as it was dubbed, measures twenty-seven feet in lengthand has a beam seven and a half feet long. Numerous species of woodwere used in its construction and repairs throughout its useful life.While there is no evidence to link the boat to Jesus or hisdisciples, radiometric dating places it in the correct period, and itprovides a likely model of the type of boat portrayed in the Gospels.

Asecond source of information regarding ships and sailing in the NT isthe account in Acts of Paul’s many sea voyages. As in the caseof Jehoshaphat, the Tyrians, Jonah, and Jesus’ disciples, Paullearned firsthand the perils of seafaring in small wooden boats:among his many traumas, along with beatings and stonings, herecalled, “Three times I was shipwrecked, I spent a night and aday in the open sea” (2Cor. 11:25).

Paul’sjourneys.A survey of Paul’s sea travels on his four journeys gives someidea of the routes that could be taken by a paying traveler in theeastern Mediterranean and Aegean.

1.Paul’s first missionary journey included voyages from Seleuciain Syria to the port of Salamis in Cyprus (Acts 13:4) and from Cyprus(Paphos) to Perga on the southern coast of Asia Minor (13:13). Afterjourneying through the interior, Paul returned to Attalia, where heembarked for the return trip to Syria, presumably passing againthrough the port at Salamis (14:26).

2.The second missionary journey began not with a sea voyage but ratherwith a trek through the interior of Syria and Cilicia, illustratingthat although sea travel was by far a more rapid means of travel, theoverland routes were by no means impossible (Acts 15:39). Paul wouldrepeat this land route during his third journey (19:1). Sea travelwas fast, but when one had plenty of friends along the alternativeland route, a sea journey was considerably less enjoyable. It isduring the second journey that we have the first recorded accounts ofPaul sailing in the Aegean. From Troas in Asia Minor, he sailed theshort distance to Macedonia (16:11), putting in midway at the islandof Samothrace. Apparently, Paul traveled by sea down the coast fromBerea to Athens (17:14). At the conclusion of his second journey,Paul sailed from Corinth to Caesarea, with a stop at Ephesus(18:18–22). Not counting any intervening ports of call notmentioned in the text, this would be the longest single leg of seatravel so far mentioned.

3.The third missionary journey once more began with a long overlandtrip from Syria through Asia Minor; by this time, Paul had manyassociates along the way to visit. Again, he sailed in the Aegean,from Ephesus to Macedonia (Acts 20:1) and back (20:6). At one point,Paul opted to travel overland, from Troas to Assos, while hiscompanions sailed down the coast (20:13). Meeting up with them, hesailed on, hugging the coast of Asia Minor, then sailing south ofCyprus along an open-water route to Tyre. From Tyre, the ship againhugged the Palestinian coast, stopping in several ports before Pauldisembarked at Caesarea (21:7). Paul’s journeys illustrate thevariety of itineraries taken by ships. They were capable of sailingin deep water, but they would also hug the coast when there werereasons to make frequent stops.

4.Paul’s fourth journey, which he made in custody on his way to atrial before the emperor at Rome, was to be the most dangerous. Fromthe account in Acts we can glean a number of details of life at seain the first century AD. The ship bound for Italy was large, and itcarried 276 passengers and crew (Acts 27:6, 37), including soldiersand prisoners, at least one companion of a prisoner (Paul’sfriend Aristarchus [27:2]), a ship’s pilot, and the ship’sowner (27:11). Sailors used celestial navigation (27:20) and tooksoundings in shallow water (27:28). We see also that the ship’scourse could be determined by the direction of the prevailing winds:twice during the journey Paul’s ship was forced to sail to thelee of large islands (Cyprus and Crete)—a longer journey, butthe only option for a ship that was not rigged to sail close-hauled.

Whenextended periods of unfavorable weather were forecast, one option wassimply to put in at a port until conditions improved, preferably in aharbor that was in the lee of an island (Acts 27:12). We learnsomething of the measures that were taken in heavy weather, many ofwhich are still used in modern times: ropes were tied around the hullof the ship to prevent it from breaking up in rough seas (27:17), thelifeboat was brought onto the deck and made fast (27:17), sea anchorswere deployed to keep the bow of the ship oriented into the oncomingwaves (27:7), the rudder was lashed amidships (27:40), valuable cargoand gear were jettisoned (27:19, 38), and, as in the days of Jonah,sailors and passengers prayed for divine deliverance (27:29; see alsothe protective emblems in 28:11).

Whenall other means had been exhausted, a ship could be run aground on asandy beach (Acts 27:39), a measure that would have risked damage tothe boat but saved lives. In the case of Paul’s ship, thedecision to run aground ultimately resulted in the destruction of theship (27:41).

Metaphorsand illustrations.Several NT authors draw illustrations from the nautical world. Jameslikens the harmful power of evil speech to the rudder of a ship:although it is a small device, by it the pilot can control a greatship (James 3:4–5). Elsewhere, he compares the doubting of theunwise person to being lost at sea in a storm (James 1:6; cf. Eph.4:14). In 1Tim. 1:19 the loss of faith and good conscience islikened to a shipwreck. Hebrews 6:19 describes the assurance of God’sfaithfulness as an anchor for the soul.

OldTestament

Phoeniciansand Philistines. Asa people whose ancestral territory lay in the landlocked andtimber-poor highlands of Ephraim and Judah, the Israelites ofbiblical times never achieved prominence in seafaring orshipbuilding. Instead, they relied for their maritime enterprises onalliances with their coastal neighbors, particularly the Phoenicianstates to the north of Israel, who excelled in seafaring and hadaccess to the abundant timber forests of Lebanon. The Phoenicians(the Punics of classical antiquity) were famous in antiquity fortheir seafaring. In biblical times, they traded heavily betweenSyria-Palestine and Egypt and also sailed throughout theMediterranean, establishing colonies as far away as Tunisia(Carthage) and Spain (Cadiz).

Anotherseagoing people prominent in the OT were the Philistines, whose baseof power was to the west of Judah, along the Mediterranean coast. TheBible associates the Philistines with the five cities of Ashdod,Ashkelon, Ekron, Gath, and Gaza. The Philistines were among the SeaPeoples, who came to the Levant from the Aegean beginning in thetwelfth century BC (Amos 9:7; Jer. 47:4).

Theperennial enmity between the Philistines and the Israelites precludedjoint maritime ventures of the sort shared by Israel and thePhoenicians, and the Bible does not describe Philistine maritimeactivities in any depth. Nevertheless, the seagoing nature of thePhilistines is reflected by the fact that their settlements remainedconfined to the coastal region. They never made a systematic attemptto take over the traditionally Israelite and Judahite highlands. Whenthey did venture into the Judean mountains, it was to assert amilitary and political presence among the agrarian Israelites andJudahites rather than to establish permanent settlements andPhilistine population centers. Twelfth-century BC reliefs at MedinetHabu (in the mortuary temple of RamessesIII) depict a navalbattle between the Sea Peoples and the Egyptians. The reliefs includepictures of Philistine ships and sailors.

Israeliteseafaring.One of the rare references to Israelite seafaring describes theDanites and the Asherites in connection with ships and harbors (Judg.5:17; see also Ezek. 27:19). Traditional Danite territory overlappedwith the area of Philistine settlement. Asherite territory overlappedsubstantially with Phoenician territory. It is possible that Judg.5:17 refers to the fact that the Danites and the Asherites worked inthe port cities serving Philistine and Phoenician shipping. Inanother passage, Zebulun is associated with ports (Gen. 49:13). It isnoteworthy that the Israelite coast between Jaffa and Dor (roughlybetween Philistia and Phoenicia) does not have an abundance ofnatural harbors. Later, Herod the Great would build the artificialharbor at Caesarea in the first century BC. The great expense of sucha project—including the construction of over 2,500 feet ofbreakwaters made of underwater concrete, mostly imported fromItaly—suggests the extent of the need for secure harbors inthis region.

Solomon’sfleet.The zenith of Israelite seafaring occurred during the reign ofSolomon. Solomon built a fleet of ships at “Ezion Geber, whichis near Elath in Edom, on the shore of the Red Sea” (1Kings9:26). The purpose of these ships was to bring back gold from Ophir(1Kings 9:28), possibly a location in the Arabian Peninsula, towhich a port on the Red Sea would have offered ready access. Thestory confirms the aforementioned dependence on the Phoenicians inthe area of seafaring: although the ships belonged to Solomon, “Hiram[the Phoenician king of Tyre] sent his men—sailors who knew thesea—to serve in the fleet with Solomon’s men”(1Kings 9:27). The timber for the ships would also have beenimported by Israel from Phoenicia (see 1Kings 9:11). Even atthe height of its power, Israel lacked the human resources to embarkon sea voyages independently of the Phoenicians.

Thesuccess of Solomon’s project, of course, depended not only onwarm relations with the Phoenicians but also on territorial controlof the historically Edomite lands between Judah and the Red Sea. Thisfavorable combination of conditions would come and go throughout thebiblical period, and with it, Israel’s modest presence on theseas. From the Phoenician point of view, cooperation with Israel wasan essential component of gaining access to a Red Sea port, and withit to the products of Arabia, the Horn of Africa, and India. ThePhoenicians, as expansive as their travel was in the Mediterranean,could never independently control the long overland route fromPhoenicia to the Red Sea, since it ran through the territory ofIsrael and Edom. Their best hope was a friendly and powerfulIsraelite ally. This explains the cordial relationship and why Hiramsent not only his sailors to serve Solomon but also craftsmen andsupplies for the construction of the temple (1Kings 5:10–12).Solomon and Hiram jointly operated “a fleet of trading ships”that would return to port every three years bringing “gold,silver, and ivory, and apes and baboons” (1Kings 10:22).

Jehoshaphat.In the mid-ninth century BC, King Jehoshaphat of Judah attempted torepeat Solomon’s feat of launching a fleet from Ezion Geber(1Kings 22:48–49; 2Chron. 20:35–37).According to both accounts, the ships were wrecked before they couldset sail. On several other points, however, the two versions of thestory disagree in ways that bear on questions of the political andeconomic conditions of Israelite seafaring.

Bythis time, Israel and Judah had split into separate kingdoms, withthe northern kingdom of Israel being geographically and politicallycloser to the Phoenicians. The powerful King Ahab of Israel,Jehoshaphat’s contemporary through much of his reign, marriedJezebel, the daughter of the Sidonian (Phoenician) king Ethbaal(1Kings 16:31). According to 1Kings, King Ahaziah ofIsrael (Ahab’s son) proposed to cooperate with Jehoshaphat bysending his own men on the voyage, much as Hiram had assisted Solomonin the previous century. Jehoshaphat rejected the suggestion,possibly indicating a bid for Judean autonomy in an era of northerndominance. According to 2Chronicles, however, Jehoshaphat didcooperate willingly with Ahaziah, and this was the reason that theships foundered in port: God punished the righteous Jehoshaphat fortoo close a relationship with his wicked northern counterpart. In1Kings 22:47 it is mentioned that at the time of Jehoshaphat’sventure there was no king in Edom. As noted, control of the overlandroute between Judah and the Red Sea was necessary for the success ofany voyage originating from Ezion Geber.

Howeverthe contradiction between 1Kings and 2Chroniclesregarding the involvement of Ahaziah is resolved, both versions ofthe story highlight the fact that the port at Ezion Geber commandedthe interest of the Judeans, the Israelites, and the Phoenicians, andits successful operation probably depended on the cooperation of allthree.

Shipsof Tarshish.Several biblical texts, including the stories of Solomon andJehoshaphat, mention “ships of Tarshish” (1Kings10:22 NIV mg.). In a number of contexts, such ships are associatedwith the transportation of metals and metal ores, including iron,lead, tin, gold, and silver (1Kings 10:22; Ezek. 27:12; Jer.10:9). The exact derivation of the term “ships of Tarshish”is uncertain, though it is clear from the descriptions of theircargoes that such ships could travel over long distances. As Ezekielobserves, “The ships of Tarshish serve as carriers for yourwares. You are filled with heavy cargo as you sail the sea. Youroarsmen take you out to the high seas” (Ezek. 27:25–26).

Inthe Table of Nations, Tarshish is listed as a descendant of Javan(Gen. 10:4), along with a number of other seafaring peoples of theeastern Mediterranean (“Javan” indicates the peoples ofthe Aegean and is linguistically equivalent to “Ionia”[see also Ezek. 27:12–22]). Some have suggested, then, that theships of Tarshish should be associated with Tarsus in southeasternTurkey, an area containing silver mines (also the birthplace of Paul[Acts 9:11]). Others have suggested the Phoenician colony ofTartessus in Spain, another metal-producing area. This locationfigures in the interpretation of the identification of thedestination of Jonah as Tarshish (Jon. 1:3): presumably, if he wereavoiding Nineveh and departing from Joppa, he would head towardSpain, in the exact opposite direction, rather than toward Tarsus inCilicia.

Inaddition to these two geographical options, some have attempted toexplain the expression “ships of Tarshish” as derivingfrom the Akkadian term for smelting or refining: perhaps the manyreferences to cargoes of metals indicate that the ships were used totransport metal ore to refining centers. Finally, one scholar hasproposed that the term is related to the Greek word tarsos,meaning “oar.”

Descriptionsof ships and seafaring.Ezekiel, in his lament concerning the Phoenician city of Tyre (Ezek.27), relates a number of details related to Phoenician seafaring. Thepicture largely confirms the descriptions of how Solomon built andmanned his fleet with the assistance of his Tyrian ally. Timber forthe construction of the ship came from Lebanon and Cyprus, amongother places (vv. 5–6). Sails were made from Egyptian linen(v.7), and as noted above, the oarsmen and sailors were fromthe Phoenician city-states (vv. 8–9). Ezekiel goes on to list alarge number of ports of call as well as a dazzling variety ofcargoes (vv. 12–24). Notably, Ezekiel has the Judahites and theIsraelites offering the products of their agrarian economy—“wheatfrom Minnith and confections, honey, olive oil and balm”(v.17)—thus filling out the picture of what theIsraelites gave in exchange for the precious metals and luxury itemsimported by their country from elsewhere.

In1999 archaeologists explored two eighth-century BC Phoenician shipsthat had sunk thirty miles west of Ashkelon. The ships, eachmeasuring about fifty feet in length, contained large cargoes of wineand were headed either for Egypt or for the Phoenician colonies inthe western Mediterranean.

Shipsand sailing figure prominently in the story of Jonah, who boarded aship bound for Tarshish (see discussion above) at Joppa on theMediterranean coast. In the story we see a number of features ofancient sea travel. Jonah paid a fare for his voyage (Jon. 1:3). Notonly the biblical author (see 1:4), but also the presumablynon-Israelite sailors, believed that the great storm was the doing ofa god, and that it could be calmed by appealing to that god(1:6)—although cargo was thrown overboard for good measure.When Paul was caught in a storm in the first century AD, the samestrategies were still in use (Acts 27:38). The religious habits ofancient sailors, particularly their reverence for the gods whocontrolled the stormy seas and thus held their lives in the balance,are illuminated by the discovery of stone anchors in several temples(presumably left by sailors as offerings), including at the portcities of Ugarit, Kition, and Byblos.

Psalm107:23–32 speaks of God’s care of sailors from anIsraelite perspective. In the psalm, those who “went out on thesea in ships,” the “merchants on the mighty waters”(i.e., the deep, open sea), witness firsthand the works of the God ofIsrael, which include both the raising and the quieting of the storm.This passage vividly expresses the terror of being caught in a stormand the great relief and gratitude felt by sailors who reached safehaven.

Noah’sArk

Accordingto the biblical account, Noah’s ark was 450 feet long, 75 feetwide, and 45 feet high (300 cubits by 50 cubits by 30 cubits [Gen.6:15]). It had three decks, a roof, and a window. By comparison, theship of Uta-napishti in the Epic of Gilgamesh is described as havingsix decks (and thus seven stories), edges of 180 feet (ten dozencubits) in each dimension, and occupying the space of an acre (arough approximation of the dimensions given). Both ships aredescribed as providing space for the builder’s family and everyliving creature. In the Atrahasis Epic, the boat is roofed, but itsdimensions are not given.

Becauseof the character of Gen. 6–8, it is inappropriate to drawconclusions from the story regarding shipbuilding in historicalantiquity. According to the specifications given in the biblicaltext, Noah’s ark would have been the largest wooden ship inhistory, equaled only by the United States schooner Wyoming,completed in 1909. While the overall length of the Wyoming was also450 feet, nearly 100 feet of length was accounted for in the fore andaft booms, so that the hull length was only 350 feet. Even with earlytwentieth-century shipbuilding technology, its extravagant lengthrendered the Wyoming unseaworthy, and the ship foundered in 1924. Thelargest documented wooden ships of antiquity include the GreekSyracusia(third century BC; 180 feet), described by Athenaeus; the Roman Isis(second century AD; 180 feet), described by Lucian; Caligula’s“Giant Ship” (first century AD; 341 feet), recovered inmodern times and possibly corresponding to a ship described by Plinythe Elder; and PtolemyIV’s Tessarakonteres (third centuryBC), reported by Plutarch to have been about 425 feet long. This lastship was not designed for cruising in open water.

NewTestament

Fishingin the Sea of Galilee. Severalof Jesus’ disciples worked as fishermen on the Sea of Galilee,and the Gospels document their use of small boats for fishing andtraveling across the sea. Fishing was done with nets thrown both fromboats and from the shore (Mark 1:16, 19). The boats used by fishermenon the Sea of Galilee may have been small enough to pull up onto thebeach (Luke 5:2), or to be nearly capsized by a large catch of fish(Luke 5:7) or by a violent storm (Mark 4:37). They were large enoughto transport several men and even to sleep in (Mark 4:38). Such boatscould be rowed or sailed; in Mark 6:48 the disciples had to resort torowing because of an unfavorable headwind. On one occasion, Jesusstood in a boat to preach to a crowd gathered on the shore (Mark4:1). The Sea of Galilee is about eight miles wide and thirteen mileslong. On several occasions, Jesus traveled by boat across the sea toavoid having to walk long distances around its circumference (e.g.,Matt. 9:1; 14:22; 15:39).

In1986 archaeologists recovered a fishing boat dating to the mid-firstcentury AD on the shore of the Sea of Galilee. The boat had beenscuttled near the shore and was preserved under mud. The “JesusBoat,” as it was dubbed, measures twenty-seven feet in lengthand has a beam seven and a half feet long. Numerous species of woodwere used in its construction and repairs throughout its useful life.While there is no evidence to link the boat to Jesus or hisdisciples, radiometric dating places it in the correct period, and itprovides a likely model of the type of boat portrayed in the Gospels.

Asecond source of information regarding ships and sailing in the NT isthe account in Acts of Paul’s many sea voyages. As in the caseof Jehoshaphat, the Tyrians, Jonah, and Jesus’ disciples, Paullearned firsthand the perils of seafaring in small wooden boats:among his many traumas, along with beatings and stonings, herecalled, “Three times I was shipwrecked, I spent a night and aday in the open sea” (2Cor. 11:25).

Paul’sjourneys.A survey of Paul’s sea travels on his four journeys gives someidea of the routes that could be taken by a paying traveler in theeastern Mediterranean and Aegean.

1.Paul’s first missionary journey included voyages from Seleuciain Syria to the port of Salamis in Cyprus (Acts 13:4) and from Cyprus(Paphos) to Perga on the southern coast of Asia Minor (13:13). Afterjourneying through the interior, Paul returned to Attalia, where heembarked for the return trip to Syria, presumably passing againthrough the port at Salamis (14:26).

2.The second missionary journey began not with a sea voyage but ratherwith a trek through the interior of Syria and Cilicia, illustratingthat although sea travel was by far a more rapid means of travel, theoverland routes were by no means impossible (Acts 15:39). Paul wouldrepeat this land route during his third journey (19:1). Sea travelwas fast, but when one had plenty of friends along the alternativeland route, a sea journey was considerably less enjoyable. It isduring the second journey that we have the first recorded accounts ofPaul sailing in the Aegean. From Troas in Asia Minor, he sailed theshort distance to Macedonia (16:11), putting in midway at the islandof Samothrace. Apparently, Paul traveled by sea down the coast fromBerea to Athens (17:14). At the conclusion of his second journey,Paul sailed from Corinth to Caesarea, with a stop at Ephesus(18:18–22). Not counting any intervening ports of call notmentioned in the text, this would be the longest single leg of seatravel so far mentioned.

3.The third missionary journey once more began with a long overlandtrip from Syria through Asia Minor; by this time, Paul had manyassociates along the way to visit. Again, he sailed in the Aegean,from Ephesus to Macedonia (Acts 20:1) and back (20:6). At one point,Paul opted to travel overland, from Troas to Assos, while hiscompanions sailed down the coast (20:13). Meeting up with them, hesailed on, hugging the coast of Asia Minor, then sailing south ofCyprus along an open-water route to Tyre. From Tyre, the ship againhugged the Palestinian coast, stopping in several ports before Pauldisembarked at Caesarea (21:7). Paul’s journeys illustrate thevariety of itineraries taken by ships. They were capable of sailingin deep water, but they would also hug the coast when there werereasons to make frequent stops.

4.Paul’s fourth journey, which he made in custody on his way to atrial before the emperor at Rome, was to be the most dangerous. Fromthe account in Acts we can glean a number of details of life at seain the first century AD. The ship bound for Italy was large, and itcarried 276 passengers and crew (Acts 27:6, 37), including soldiersand prisoners, at least one companion of a prisoner (Paul’sfriend Aristarchus [27:2]), a ship’s pilot, and the ship’sowner (27:11). Sailors used celestial navigation (27:20) and tooksoundings in shallow water (27:28). We see also that the ship’scourse could be determined by the direction of the prevailing winds:twice during the journey Paul’s ship was forced to sail to thelee of large islands (Cyprus and Crete)—a longer journey, butthe only option for a ship that was not rigged to sail close-hauled.

Whenextended periods of unfavorable weather were forecast, one option wassimply to put in at a port until conditions improved, preferably in aharbor that was in the lee of an island (Acts 27:12). We learnsomething of the measures that were taken in heavy weather, many ofwhich are still used in modern times: ropes were tied around the hullof the ship to prevent it from breaking up in rough seas (27:17), thelifeboat was brought onto the deck and made fast (27:17), sea anchorswere deployed to keep the bow of the ship oriented into the oncomingwaves (27:7), the rudder was lashed amidships (27:40), valuable cargoand gear were jettisoned (27:19, 38), and, as in the days of Jonah,sailors and passengers prayed for divine deliverance (27:29; see alsothe protective emblems in 28:11).

Whenall other means had been exhausted, a ship could be run aground on asandy beach (Acts 27:39), a measure that would have risked damage tothe boat but saved lives. In the case of Paul’s ship, thedecision to run aground ultimately resulted in the destruction of theship (27:41).

Metaphorsand illustrations.Several NT authors draw illustrations from the nautical world. Jameslikens the harmful power of evil speech to the rudder of a ship:although it is a small device, by it the pilot can control a greatship (James 3:4–5). Elsewhere, he compares the doubting of theunwise person to being lost at sea in a storm (James 1:6; cf. Eph.4:14). In 1Tim. 1:19 the loss of faith and good conscience islikened to a shipwreck. Hebrews 6:19 describes the assurance of God’sfaithfulness as an anchor for the soul.

OldTestament

Phoeniciansand Philistines. Asa people whose ancestral territory lay in the landlocked andtimber-poor highlands of Ephraim and Judah, the Israelites ofbiblical times never achieved prominence in seafaring orshipbuilding. Instead, they relied for their maritime enterprises onalliances with their coastal neighbors, particularly the Phoenicianstates to the north of Israel, who excelled in seafaring and hadaccess to the abundant timber forests of Lebanon. The Phoenicians(the Punics of classical antiquity) were famous in antiquity fortheir seafaring. In biblical times, they traded heavily betweenSyria-Palestine and Egypt and also sailed throughout theMediterranean, establishing colonies as far away as Tunisia(Carthage) and Spain (Cadiz).

Anotherseagoing people prominent in the OT were the Philistines, whose baseof power was to the west of Judah, along the Mediterranean coast. TheBible associates the Philistines with the five cities of Ashdod,Ashkelon, Ekron, Gath, and Gaza. The Philistines were among the SeaPeoples, who came to the Levant from the Aegean beginning in thetwelfth century BC (Amos 9:7; Jer. 47:4).

Theperennial enmity between the Philistines and the Israelites precludedjoint maritime ventures of the sort shared by Israel and thePhoenicians, and the Bible does not describe Philistine maritimeactivities in any depth. Nevertheless, the seagoing nature of thePhilistines is reflected by the fact that their settlements remainedconfined to the coastal region. They never made a systematic attemptto take over the traditionally Israelite and Judahite highlands. Whenthey did venture into the Judean mountains, it was to assert amilitary and political presence among the agrarian Israelites andJudahites rather than to establish permanent settlements andPhilistine population centers. Twelfth-century BC reliefs at MedinetHabu (in the mortuary temple of RamessesIII) depict a navalbattle between the Sea Peoples and the Egyptians. The reliefs includepictures of Philistine ships and sailors.

Israeliteseafaring.One of the rare references to Israelite seafaring describes theDanites and the Asherites in connection with ships and harbors (Judg.5:17; see also Ezek. 27:19). Traditional Danite territory overlappedwith the area of Philistine settlement. Asherite territory overlappedsubstantially with Phoenician territory. It is possible that Judg.5:17 refers to the fact that the Danites and the Asherites worked inthe port cities serving Philistine and Phoenician shipping. Inanother passage, Zebulun is associated with ports (Gen. 49:13). It isnoteworthy that the Israelite coast between Jaffa and Dor (roughlybetween Philistia and Phoenicia) does not have an abundance ofnatural harbors. Later, Herod the Great would build the artificialharbor at Caesarea in the first century BC. The great expense of sucha project—including the construction of over 2,500 feet ofbreakwaters made of underwater concrete, mostly imported fromItaly—suggests the extent of the need for secure harbors inthis region.

Solomon’sfleet.The zenith of Israelite seafaring occurred during the reign ofSolomon. Solomon built a fleet of ships at “Ezion Geber, whichis near Elath in Edom, on the shore of the Red Sea” (1Kings9:26). The purpose of these ships was to bring back gold from Ophir(1Kings 9:28), possibly a location in the Arabian Peninsula, towhich a port on the Red Sea would have offered ready access. Thestory confirms the aforementioned dependence on the Phoenicians inthe area of seafaring: although the ships belonged to Solomon, “Hiram[the Phoenician king of Tyre] sent his men—sailors who knew thesea—to serve in the fleet with Solomon’s men”(1Kings 9:27). The timber for the ships would also have beenimported by Israel from Phoenicia (see 1Kings 9:11). Even atthe height of its power, Israel lacked the human resources to embarkon sea voyages independently of the Phoenicians.

Thesuccess of Solomon’s project, of course, depended not only onwarm relations with the Phoenicians but also on territorial controlof the historically Edomite lands between Judah and the Red Sea. Thisfavorable combination of conditions would come and go throughout thebiblical period, and with it, Israel’s modest presence on theseas. From the Phoenician point of view, cooperation with Israel wasan essential component of gaining access to a Red Sea port, and withit to the products of Arabia, the Horn of Africa, and India. ThePhoenicians, as expansive as their travel was in the Mediterranean,could never independently control the long overland route fromPhoenicia to the Red Sea, since it ran through the territory ofIsrael and Edom. Their best hope was a friendly and powerfulIsraelite ally. This explains the cordial relationship and why Hiramsent not only his sailors to serve Solomon but also craftsmen andsupplies for the construction of the temple (1Kings 5:10–12).Solomon and Hiram jointly operated “a fleet of trading ships”that would return to port every three years bringing “gold,silver, and ivory, and apes and baboons” (1Kings 10:22).

Jehoshaphat.In the mid-ninth century BC, King Jehoshaphat of Judah attempted torepeat Solomon’s feat of launching a fleet from Ezion Geber(1Kings 22:48–49; 2Chron. 20:35–37).According to both accounts, the ships were wrecked before they couldset sail. On several other points, however, the two versions of thestory disagree in ways that bear on questions of the political andeconomic conditions of Israelite seafaring.

Bythis time, Israel and Judah had split into separate kingdoms, withthe northern kingdom of Israel being geographically and politicallycloser to the Phoenicians. The powerful King Ahab of Israel,Jehoshaphat’s contemporary through much of his reign, marriedJezebel, the daughter of the Sidonian (Phoenician) king Ethbaal(1Kings 16:31). According to 1Kings, King Ahaziah ofIsrael (Ahab’s son) proposed to cooperate with Jehoshaphat bysending his own men on the voyage, much as Hiram had assisted Solomonin the previous century. Jehoshaphat rejected the suggestion,possibly indicating a bid for Judean autonomy in an era of northerndominance. According to 2Chronicles, however, Jehoshaphat didcooperate willingly with Ahaziah, and this was the reason that theships foundered in port: God punished the righteous Jehoshaphat fortoo close a relationship with his wicked northern counterpart. In1Kings 22:47 it is mentioned that at the time of Jehoshaphat’sventure there was no king in Edom. As noted, control of the overlandroute between Judah and the Red Sea was necessary for the success ofany voyage originating from Ezion Geber.

Howeverthe contradiction between 1Kings and 2Chroniclesregarding the involvement of Ahaziah is resolved, both versions ofthe story highlight the fact that the port at Ezion Geber commandedthe interest of the Judeans, the Israelites, and the Phoenicians, andits successful operation probably depended on the cooperation of allthree.

Shipsof Tarshish.Several biblical texts, including the stories of Solomon andJehoshaphat, mention “ships of Tarshish” (1Kings10:22 NIV mg.). In a number of contexts, such ships are associatedwith the transportation of metals and metal ores, including iron,lead, tin, gold, and silver (1Kings 10:22; Ezek. 27:12; Jer.10:9). The exact derivation of the term “ships of Tarshish”is uncertain, though it is clear from the descriptions of theircargoes that such ships could travel over long distances. As Ezekielobserves, “The ships of Tarshish serve as carriers for yourwares. You are filled with heavy cargo as you sail the sea. Youroarsmen take you out to the high seas” (Ezek. 27:25–26).

Inthe Table of Nations, Tarshish is listed as a descendant of Javan(Gen. 10:4), along with a number of other seafaring peoples of theeastern Mediterranean (“Javan” indicates the peoples ofthe Aegean and is linguistically equivalent to “Ionia”[see also Ezek. 27:12–22]). Some have suggested, then, that theships of Tarshish should be associated with Tarsus in southeasternTurkey, an area containing silver mines (also the birthplace of Paul[Acts 9:11]). Others have suggested the Phoenician colony ofTartessus in Spain, another metal-producing area. This locationfigures in the interpretation of the identification of thedestination of Jonah as Tarshish (Jon. 1:3): presumably, if he wereavoiding Nineveh and departing from Joppa, he would head towardSpain, in the exact opposite direction, rather than toward Tarsus inCilicia.

Inaddition to these two geographical options, some have attempted toexplain the expression “ships of Tarshish” as derivingfrom the Akkadian term for smelting or refining: perhaps the manyreferences to cargoes of metals indicate that the ships were used totransport metal ore to refining centers. Finally, one scholar hasproposed that the term is related to the Greek word tarsos,meaning “oar.”

Descriptionsof ships and seafaring.Ezekiel, in his lament concerning the Phoenician city of Tyre (Ezek.27), relates a number of details related to Phoenician seafaring. Thepicture largely confirms the descriptions of how Solomon built andmanned his fleet with the assistance of his Tyrian ally. Timber forthe construction of the ship came from Lebanon and Cyprus, amongother places (vv. 5–6). Sails were made from Egyptian linen(v.7), and as noted above, the oarsmen and sailors were fromthe Phoenician city-states (vv. 8–9). Ezekiel goes on to list alarge number of ports of call as well as a dazzling variety ofcargoes (vv. 12–24). Notably, Ezekiel has the Judahites and theIsraelites offering the products of their agrarian economy—“wheatfrom Minnith and confections, honey, olive oil and balm”(v.17)—thus filling out the picture of what theIsraelites gave in exchange for the precious metals and luxury itemsimported by their country from elsewhere.

In1999 archaeologists explored two eighth-century BC Phoenician shipsthat had sunk thirty miles west of Ashkelon. The ships, eachmeasuring about fifty feet in length, contained large cargoes of wineand were headed either for Egypt or for the Phoenician colonies inthe western Mediterranean.

Shipsand sailing figure prominently in the story of Jonah, who boarded aship bound for Tarshish (see discussion above) at Joppa on theMediterranean coast. In the story we see a number of features ofancient sea travel. Jonah paid a fare for his voyage (Jon. 1:3). Notonly the biblical author (see 1:4), but also the presumablynon-Israelite sailors, believed that the great storm was the doing ofa god, and that it could be calmed by appealing to that god(1:6)—although cargo was thrown overboard for good measure.When Paul was caught in a storm in the first century AD, the samestrategies were still in use (Acts 27:38). The religious habits ofancient sailors, particularly their reverence for the gods whocontrolled the stormy seas and thus held their lives in the balance,are illuminated by the discovery of stone anchors in several temples(presumably left by sailors as offerings), including at the portcities of Ugarit, Kition, and Byblos.

Psalm107:23–32 speaks of God’s care of sailors from anIsraelite perspective. In the psalm, those who “went out on thesea in ships,” the “merchants on the mighty waters”(i.e., the deep, open sea), witness firsthand the works of the God ofIsrael, which include both the raising and the quieting of the storm.This passage vividly expresses the terror of being caught in a stormand the great relief and gratitude felt by sailors who reached safehaven.

Noah’sArk

Accordingto the biblical account, Noah’s ark was 450 feet long, 75 feetwide, and 45 feet high (300 cubits by 50 cubits by 30 cubits [Gen.6:15]). It had three decks, a roof, and a window. By comparison, theship of Uta-napishti in the Epic of Gilgamesh is described as havingsix decks (and thus seven stories), edges of 180 feet (ten dozencubits) in each dimension, and occupying the space of an acre (arough approximation of the dimensions given). Both ships aredescribed as providing space for the builder’s family and everyliving creature. In the Atrahasis Epic, the boat is roofed, but itsdimensions are not given.

Becauseof the character of Gen. 6–8, it is inappropriate to drawconclusions from the story regarding shipbuilding in historicalantiquity. According to the specifications given in the biblicaltext, Noah’s ark would have been the largest wooden ship inhistory, equaled only by the United States schooner Wyoming,completed in 1909. While the overall length of the Wyoming was also450 feet, nearly 100 feet of length was accounted for in the fore andaft booms, so that the hull length was only 350 feet. Even with earlytwentieth-century shipbuilding technology, its extravagant lengthrendered the Wyoming unseaworthy, and the ship foundered in 1924. Thelargest documented wooden ships of antiquity include the GreekSyracusia(third century BC; 180 feet), described by Athenaeus; the Roman Isis(second century AD; 180 feet), described by Lucian; Caligula’s“Giant Ship” (first century AD; 341 feet), recovered inmodern times and possibly corresponding to a ship described by Plinythe Elder; and PtolemyIV’s Tessarakonteres (third centuryBC), reported by Plutarch to have been about 425 feet long. This lastship was not designed for cruising in open water.

NewTestament

Fishingin the Sea of Galilee. Severalof Jesus’ disciples worked as fishermen on the Sea of Galilee,and the Gospels document their use of small boats for fishing andtraveling across the sea. Fishing was done with nets thrown both fromboats and from the shore (Mark 1:16, 19). The boats used by fishermenon the Sea of Galilee may have been small enough to pull up onto thebeach (Luke 5:2), or to be nearly capsized by a large catch of fish(Luke 5:7) or by a violent storm (Mark 4:37). They were large enoughto transport several men and even to sleep in (Mark 4:38). Such boatscould be rowed or sailed; in Mark 6:48 the disciples had to resort torowing because of an unfavorable headwind. On one occasion, Jesusstood in a boat to preach to a crowd gathered on the shore (Mark4:1). The Sea of Galilee is about eight miles wide and thirteen mileslong. On several occasions, Jesus traveled by boat across the sea toavoid having to walk long distances around its circumference (e.g.,Matt. 9:1; 14:22; 15:39).

In1986 archaeologists recovered a fishing boat dating to the mid-firstcentury AD on the shore of the Sea of Galilee. The boat had beenscuttled near the shore and was preserved under mud. The “JesusBoat,” as it was dubbed, measures twenty-seven feet in lengthand has a beam seven and a half feet long. Numerous species of woodwere used in its construction and repairs throughout its useful life.While there is no evidence to link the boat to Jesus or hisdisciples, radiometric dating places it in the correct period, and itprovides a likely model of the type of boat portrayed in the Gospels.

Asecond source of information regarding ships and sailing in the NT isthe account in Acts of Paul’s many sea voyages. As in the caseof Jehoshaphat, the Tyrians, Jonah, and Jesus’ disciples, Paullearned firsthand the perils of seafaring in small wooden boats:among his many traumas, along with beatings and stonings, herecalled, “Three times I was shipwrecked, I spent a night and aday in the open sea” (2Cor. 11:25).

Paul’sjourneys.A survey of Paul’s sea travels on his four journeys gives someidea of the routes that could be taken by a paying traveler in theeastern Mediterranean and Aegean.

1.Paul’s first missionary journey included voyages from Seleuciain Syria to the port of Salamis in Cyprus (Acts 13:4) and from Cyprus(Paphos) to Perga on the southern coast of Asia Minor (13:13). Afterjourneying through the interior, Paul returned to Attalia, where heembarked for the return trip to Syria, presumably passing againthrough the port at Salamis (14:26).

2.The second missionary journey began not with a sea voyage but ratherwith a trek through the interior of Syria and Cilicia, illustratingthat although sea travel was by far a more rapid means of travel, theoverland routes were by no means impossible (Acts 15:39). Paul wouldrepeat this land route during his third journey (19:1). Sea travelwas fast, but when one had plenty of friends along the alternativeland route, a sea journey was considerably less enjoyable. It isduring the second journey that we have the first recorded accounts ofPaul sailing in the Aegean. From Troas in Asia Minor, he sailed theshort distance to Macedonia (16:11), putting in midway at the islandof Samothrace. Apparently, Paul traveled by sea down the coast fromBerea to Athens (17:14). At the conclusion of his second journey,Paul sailed from Corinth to Caesarea, with a stop at Ephesus(18:18–22). Not counting any intervening ports of call notmentioned in the text, this would be the longest single leg of seatravel so far mentioned.

3.The third missionary journey once more began with a long overlandtrip from Syria through Asia Minor; by this time, Paul had manyassociates along the way to visit. Again, he sailed in the Aegean,from Ephesus to Macedonia (Acts 20:1) and back (20:6). At one point,Paul opted to travel overland, from Troas to Assos, while hiscompanions sailed down the coast (20:13). Meeting up with them, hesailed on, hugging the coast of Asia Minor, then sailing south ofCyprus along an open-water route to Tyre. From Tyre, the ship againhugged the Palestinian coast, stopping in several ports before Pauldisembarked at Caesarea (21:7). Paul’s journeys illustrate thevariety of itineraries taken by ships. They were capable of sailingin deep water, but they would also hug the coast when there werereasons to make frequent stops.

4.Paul’s fourth journey, which he made in custody on his way to atrial before the emperor at Rome, was to be the most dangerous. Fromthe account in Acts we can glean a number of details of life at seain the first century AD. The ship bound for Italy was large, and itcarried 276 passengers and crew (Acts 27:6, 37), including soldiersand prisoners, at least one companion of a prisoner (Paul’sfriend Aristarchus [27:2]), a ship’s pilot, and the ship’sowner (27:11). Sailors used celestial navigation (27:20) and tooksoundings in shallow water (27:28). We see also that the ship’scourse could be determined by the direction of the prevailing winds:twice during the journey Paul’s ship was forced to sail to thelee of large islands (Cyprus and Crete)—a longer journey, butthe only option for a ship that was not rigged to sail close-hauled.

Whenextended periods of unfavorable weather were forecast, one option wassimply to put in at a port until conditions improved, preferably in aharbor that was in the lee of an island (Acts 27:12). We learnsomething of the measures that were taken in heavy weather, many ofwhich are still used in modern times: ropes were tied around the hullof the ship to prevent it from breaking up in rough seas (27:17), thelifeboat was brought onto the deck and made fast (27:17), sea anchorswere deployed to keep the bow of the ship oriented into the oncomingwaves (27:7), the rudder was lashed amidships (27:40), valuable cargoand gear were jettisoned (27:19, 38), and, as in the days of Jonah,sailors and passengers prayed for divine deliverance (27:29; see alsothe protective emblems in 28:11).

Whenall other means had been exhausted, a ship could be run aground on asandy beach (Acts 27:39), a measure that would have risked damage tothe boat but saved lives. In the case of Paul’s ship, thedecision to run aground ultimately resulted in the destruction of theship (27:41).

Metaphorsand illustrations.Several NT authors draw illustrations from the nautical world. Jameslikens the harmful power of evil speech to the rudder of a ship:although it is a small device, by it the pilot can control a greatship (James 3:4–5). Elsewhere, he compares the doubting of theunwise person to being lost at sea in a storm (James 1:6; cf. Eph.4:14). In 1Tim. 1:19 the loss of faith and good conscience islikened to a shipwreck. Hebrews 6:19 describes the assurance of God’sfaithfulness as an anchor for the soul.

OldTestament

Phoeniciansand Philistines. Asa people whose ancestral territory lay in the landlocked andtimber-poor highlands of Ephraim and Judah, the Israelites ofbiblical times never achieved prominence in seafaring orshipbuilding. Instead, they relied for their maritime enterprises onalliances with their coastal neighbors, particularly the Phoenicianstates to the north of Israel, who excelled in seafaring and hadaccess to the abundant timber forests of Lebanon. The Phoenicians(the Punics of classical antiquity) were famous in antiquity fortheir seafaring. In biblical times, they traded heavily betweenSyria-Palestine and Egypt and also sailed throughout theMediterranean, establishing colonies as far away as Tunisia(Carthage) and Spain (Cadiz).

Anotherseagoing people prominent in the OT were the Philistines, whose baseof power was to the west of Judah, along the Mediterranean coast. TheBible associates the Philistines with the five cities of Ashdod,Ashkelon, Ekron, Gath, and Gaza. The Philistines were among the SeaPeoples, who came to the Levant from the Aegean beginning in thetwelfth century BC (Amos 9:7; Jer. 47:4).

Theperennial enmity between the Philistines and the Israelites precludedjoint maritime ventures of the sort shared by Israel and thePhoenicians, and the Bible does not describe Philistine maritimeactivities in any depth. Nevertheless, the seagoing nature of thePhilistines is reflected by the fact that their settlements remainedconfined to the coastal region. They never made a systematic attemptto take over the traditionally Israelite and Judahite highlands. Whenthey did venture into the Judean mountains, it was to assert amilitary and political presence among the agrarian Israelites andJudahites rather than to establish permanent settlements andPhilistine population centers. Twelfth-century BC reliefs at MedinetHabu (in the mortuary temple of RamessesIII) depict a navalbattle between the Sea Peoples and the Egyptians. The reliefs includepictures of Philistine ships and sailors.

Israeliteseafaring.One of the rare references to Israelite seafaring describes theDanites and the Asherites in connection with ships and harbors (Judg.5:17; see also Ezek. 27:19). Traditional Danite territory overlappedwith the area of Philistine settlement. Asherite territory overlappedsubstantially with Phoenician territory. It is possible that Judg.5:17 refers to the fact that the Danites and the Asherites worked inthe port cities serving Philistine and Phoenician shipping. Inanother passage, Zebulun is associated with ports (Gen. 49:13). It isnoteworthy that the Israelite coast between Jaffa and Dor (roughlybetween Philistia and Phoenicia) does not have an abundance ofnatural harbors. Later, Herod the Great would build the artificialharbor at Caesarea in the first century BC. The great expense of sucha project—including the construction of over 2,500 feet ofbreakwaters made of underwater concrete, mostly imported fromItaly—suggests the extent of the need for secure harbors inthis region.

Solomon’sfleet.The zenith of Israelite seafaring occurred during the reign ofSolomon. Solomon built a fleet of ships at “Ezion Geber, whichis near Elath in Edom, on the shore of the Red Sea” (1Kings9:26). The purpose of these ships was to bring back gold from Ophir(1Kings 9:28), possibly a location in the Arabian Peninsula, towhich a port on the Red Sea would have offered ready access. Thestory confirms the aforementioned dependence on the Phoenicians inthe area of seafaring: although the ships belonged to Solomon, “Hiram[the Phoenician king of Tyre] sent his men—sailors who knew thesea—to serve in the fleet with Solomon’s men”(1Kings 9:27). The timber for the ships would also have beenimported by Israel from Phoenicia (see 1Kings 9:11). Even atthe height of its power, Israel lacked the human resources to embarkon sea voyages independently of the Phoenicians.

Thesuccess of Solomon’s project, of course, depended not only onwarm relations with the Phoenicians but also on territorial controlof the historically Edomite lands between Judah and the Red Sea. Thisfavorable combination of conditions would come and go throughout thebiblical period, and with it, Israel’s modest presence on theseas. From the Phoenician point of view, cooperation with Israel wasan essential component of gaining access to a Red Sea port, and withit to the products of Arabia, the Horn of Africa, and India. ThePhoenicians, as expansive as their travel was in the Mediterranean,could never independently control the long overland route fromPhoenicia to the Red Sea, since it ran through the territory ofIsrael and Edom. Their best hope was a friendly and powerfulIsraelite ally. This explains the cordial relationship and why Hiramsent not only his sailors to serve Solomon but also craftsmen andsupplies for the construction of the temple (1Kings 5:10–12).Solomon and Hiram jointly operated “a fleet of trading ships”that would return to port every three years bringing “gold,silver, and ivory, and apes and baboons” (1Kings 10:22).

Jehoshaphat.In the mid-ninth century BC, King Jehoshaphat of Judah attempted torepeat Solomon’s feat of launching a fleet from Ezion Geber(1Kings 22:48–49; 2Chron. 20:35–37).According to both accounts, the ships were wrecked before they couldset sail. On several other points, however, the two versions of thestory disagree in ways that bear on questions of the political andeconomic conditions of Israelite seafaring.

Bythis time, Israel and Judah had split into separate kingdoms, withthe northern kingdom of Israel being geographically and politicallycloser to the Phoenicians. The powerful King Ahab of Israel,Jehoshaphat’s contemporary through much of his reign, marriedJezebel, the daughter of the Sidonian (Phoenician) king Ethbaal(1Kings 16:31). According to 1Kings, King Ahaziah ofIsrael (Ahab’s son) proposed to cooperate with Jehoshaphat bysending his own men on the voyage, much as Hiram had assisted Solomonin the previous century. Jehoshaphat rejected the suggestion,possibly indicating a bid for Judean autonomy in an era of northerndominance. According to 2Chronicles, however, Jehoshaphat didcooperate willingly with Ahaziah, and this was the reason that theships foundered in port: God punished the righteous Jehoshaphat fortoo close a relationship with his wicked northern counterpart. In1Kings 22:47 it is mentioned that at the time of Jehoshaphat’sventure there was no king in Edom. As noted, control of the overlandroute between Judah and the Red Sea was necessary for the success ofany voyage originating from Ezion Geber.

Howeverthe contradiction between 1Kings and 2Chroniclesregarding the involvement of Ahaziah is resolved, both versions ofthe story highlight the fact that the port at Ezion Geber commandedthe interest of the Judeans, the Israelites, and the Phoenicians, andits successful operation probably depended on the cooperation of allthree.

Shipsof Tarshish.Several biblical texts, including the stories of Solomon andJehoshaphat, mention “ships of Tarshish” (1Kings10:22 NIV mg.). In a number of contexts, such ships are associatedwith the transportation of metals and metal ores, including iron,lead, tin, gold, and silver (1Kings 10:22; Ezek. 27:12; Jer.10:9). The exact derivation of the term “ships of Tarshish”is uncertain, though it is clear from the descriptions of theircargoes that such ships could travel over long distances. As Ezekielobserves, “The ships of Tarshish serve as carriers for yourwares. You are filled with heavy cargo as you sail the sea. Youroarsmen take you out to the high seas” (Ezek. 27:25–26).

Inthe Table of Nations, Tarshish is listed as a descendant of Javan(Gen. 10:4), along with a number of other seafaring peoples of theeastern Mediterranean (“Javan” indicates the peoples ofthe Aegean and is linguistically equivalent to “Ionia”[see also Ezek. 27:12–22]). Some have suggested, then, that theships of Tarshish should be associated with Tarsus in southeasternTurkey, an area containing silver mines (also the birthplace of Paul[Acts 9:11]). Others have suggested the Phoenician colony ofTartessus in Spain, another metal-producing area. This locationfigures in the interpretation of the identification of thedestination of Jonah as Tarshish (Jon. 1:3): presumably, if he wereavoiding Nineveh and departing from Joppa, he would head towardSpain, in the exact opposite direction, rather than toward Tarsus inCilicia.

Inaddition to these two geographical options, some have attempted toexplain the expression “ships of Tarshish” as derivingfrom the Akkadian term for smelting or refining: perhaps the manyreferences to cargoes of metals indicate that the ships were used totransport metal ore to refining centers. Finally, one scholar hasproposed that the term is related to the Greek word tarsos,meaning “oar.”

Descriptionsof ships and seafaring.Ezekiel, in his lament concerning the Phoenician city of Tyre (Ezek.27), relates a number of details related to Phoenician seafaring. Thepicture largely confirms the descriptions of how Solomon built andmanned his fleet with the assistance of his Tyrian ally. Timber forthe construction of the ship came from Lebanon and Cyprus, amongother places (vv. 5–6). Sails were made from Egyptian linen(v.7), and as noted above, the oarsmen and sailors were fromthe Phoenician city-states (vv. 8–9). Ezekiel goes on to list alarge number of ports of call as well as a dazzling variety ofcargoes (vv. 12–24). Notably, Ezekiel has the Judahites and theIsraelites offering the products of their agrarian economy—“wheatfrom Minnith and confections, honey, olive oil and balm”(v.17)—thus filling out the picture of what theIsraelites gave in exchange for the precious metals and luxury itemsimported by their country from elsewhere.

In1999 archaeologists explored two eighth-century BC Phoenician shipsthat had sunk thirty miles west of Ashkelon. The ships, eachmeasuring about fifty feet in length, contained large cargoes of wineand were headed either for Egypt or for the Phoenician colonies inthe western Mediterranean.

Shipsand sailing figure prominently in the story of Jonah, who boarded aship bound for Tarshish (see discussion above) at Joppa on theMediterranean coast. In the story we see a number of features ofancient sea travel. Jonah paid a fare for his voyage (Jon. 1:3). Notonly the biblical author (see 1:4), but also the presumablynon-Israelite sailors, believed that the great storm was the doing ofa god, and that it could be calmed by appealing to that god(1:6)—although cargo was thrown overboard for good measure.When Paul was caught in a storm in the first century AD, the samestrategies were still in use (Acts 27:38). The religious habits ofancient sailors, particularly their reverence for the gods whocontrolled the stormy seas and thus held their lives in the balance,are illuminated by the discovery of stone anchors in several temples(presumably left by sailors as offerings), including at the portcities of Ugarit, Kition, and Byblos.

Psalm107:23–32 speaks of God’s care of sailors from anIsraelite perspective. In the psalm, those who “went out on thesea in ships,” the “merchants on the mighty waters”(i.e., the deep, open sea), witness firsthand the works of the God ofIsrael, which include both the raising and the quieting of the storm.This passage vividly expresses the terror of being caught in a stormand the great relief and gratitude felt by sailors who reached safehaven.

Noah’sArk

Accordingto the biblical account, Noah’s ark was 450 feet long, 75 feetwide, and 45 feet high (300 cubits by 50 cubits by 30 cubits [Gen.6:15]). It had three decks, a roof, and a window. By comparison, theship of Uta-napishti in the Epic of Gilgamesh is described as havingsix decks (and thus seven stories), edges of 180 feet (ten dozencubits) in each dimension, and occupying the space of an acre (arough approximation of the dimensions given). Both ships aredescribed as providing space for the builder’s family and everyliving creature. In the Atrahasis Epic, the boat is roofed, but itsdimensions are not given.

Becauseof the character of Gen. 6–8, it is inappropriate to drawconclusions from the story regarding shipbuilding in historicalantiquity. According to the specifications given in the biblicaltext, Noah’s ark would have been the largest wooden ship inhistory, equaled only by the United States schooner Wyoming,completed in 1909. While the overall length of the Wyoming was also450 feet, nearly 100 feet of length was accounted for in the fore andaft booms, so that the hull length was only 350 feet. Even with earlytwentieth-century shipbuilding technology, its extravagant lengthrendered the Wyoming unseaworthy, and the ship foundered in 1924. Thelargest documented wooden ships of antiquity include the GreekSyracusia(third century BC; 180 feet), described by Athenaeus; the Roman Isis(second century AD; 180 feet), described by Lucian; Caligula’s“Giant Ship” (first century AD; 341 feet), recovered inmodern times and possibly corresponding to a ship described by Plinythe Elder; and PtolemyIV’s Tessarakonteres (third centuryBC), reported by Plutarch to have been about 425 feet long. This lastship was not designed for cruising in open water.

NewTestament

Fishingin the Sea of Galilee. Severalof Jesus’ disciples worked as fishermen on the Sea of Galilee,and the Gospels document their use of small boats for fishing andtraveling across the sea. Fishing was done with nets thrown both fromboats and from the shore (Mark 1:16, 19). The boats used by fishermenon the Sea of Galilee may have been small enough to pull up onto thebeach (Luke 5:2), or to be nearly capsized by a large catch of fish(Luke 5:7) or by a violent storm (Mark 4:37). They were large enoughto transport several men and even to sleep in (Mark 4:38). Such boatscould be rowed or sailed; in Mark 6:48 the disciples had to resort torowing because of an unfavorable headwind. On one occasion, Jesusstood in a boat to preach to a crowd gathered on the shore (Mark4:1). The Sea of Galilee is about eight miles wide and thirteen mileslong. On several occasions, Jesus traveled by boat across the sea toavoid having to walk long distances around its circumference (e.g.,Matt. 9:1; 14:22; 15:39).

In1986 archaeologists recovered a fishing boat dating to the mid-firstcentury AD on the shore of the Sea of Galilee. The boat had beenscuttled near the shore and was preserved under mud. The “JesusBoat,” as it was dubbed, measures twenty-seven feet in lengthand has a beam seven and a half feet long. Numerous species of woodwere used in its construction and repairs throughout its useful life.While there is no evidence to link the boat to Jesus or hisdisciples, radiometric dating places it in the correct period, and itprovides a likely model of the type of boat portrayed in the Gospels.

Asecond source of information regarding ships and sailing in the NT isthe account in Acts of Paul’s many sea voyages. As in the caseof Jehoshaphat, the Tyrians, Jonah, and Jesus’ disciples, Paullearned firsthand the perils of seafaring in small wooden boats:among his many traumas, along with beatings and stonings, herecalled, “Three times I was shipwrecked, I spent a night and aday in the open sea” (2Cor. 11:25).

Paul’sjourneys.A survey of Paul’s sea travels on his four journeys gives someidea of the routes that could be taken by a paying traveler in theeastern Mediterranean and Aegean.

1.Paul’s first missionary journey included voyages from Seleuciain Syria to the port of Salamis in Cyprus (Acts 13:4) and from Cyprus(Paphos) to Perga on the southern coast of Asia Minor (13:13). Afterjourneying through the interior, Paul returned to Attalia, where heembarked for the return trip to Syria, presumably passing againthrough the port at Salamis (14:26).

2.The second missionary journey began not with a sea voyage but ratherwith a trek through the interior of Syria and Cilicia, illustratingthat although sea travel was by far a more rapid means of travel, theoverland routes were by no means impossible (Acts 15:39). Paul wouldrepeat this land route during his third journey (19:1). Sea travelwas fast, but when one had plenty of friends along the alternativeland route, a sea journey was considerably less enjoyable. It isduring the second journey that we have the first recorded accounts ofPaul sailing in the Aegean. From Troas in Asia Minor, he sailed theshort distance to Macedonia (16:11), putting in midway at the islandof Samothrace. Apparently, Paul traveled by sea down the coast fromBerea to Athens (17:14). At the conclusion of his second journey,Paul sailed from Corinth to Caesarea, with a stop at Ephesus(18:18–22). Not counting any intervening ports of call notmentioned in the text, this would be the longest single leg of seatravel so far mentioned.

3.The third missionary journey once more began with a long overlandtrip from Syria through Asia Minor; by this time, Paul had manyassociates along the way to visit. Again, he sailed in the Aegean,from Ephesus to Macedonia (Acts 20:1) and back (20:6). At one point,Paul opted to travel overland, from Troas to Assos, while hiscompanions sailed down the coast (20:13). Meeting up with them, hesailed on, hugging the coast of Asia Minor, then sailing south ofCyprus along an open-water route to Tyre. From Tyre, the ship againhugged the Palestinian coast, stopping in several ports before Pauldisembarked at Caesarea (21:7). Paul’s journeys illustrate thevariety of itineraries taken by ships. They were capable of sailingin deep water, but they would also hug the coast when there werereasons to make frequent stops.

4.Paul’s fourth journey, which he made in custody on his way to atrial before the emperor at Rome, was to be the most dangerous. Fromthe account in Acts we can glean a number of details of life at seain the first century AD. The ship bound for Italy was large, and itcarried 276 passengers and crew (Acts 27:6, 37), including soldiersand prisoners, at least one companion of a prisoner (Paul’sfriend Aristarchus [27:2]), a ship’s pilot, and the ship’sowner (27:11). Sailors used celestial navigation (27:20) and tooksoundings in shallow water (27:28). We see also that the ship’scourse could be determined by the direction of the prevailing winds:twice during the journey Paul’s ship was forced to sail to thelee of large islands (Cyprus and Crete)—a longer journey, butthe only option for a ship that was not rigged to sail close-hauled.

Whenextended periods of unfavorable weather were forecast, one option wassimply to put in at a port until conditions improved, preferably in aharbor that was in the lee of an island (Acts 27:12). We learnsomething of the measures that were taken in heavy weather, many ofwhich are still used in modern times: ropes were tied around the hullof the ship to prevent it from breaking up in rough seas (27:17), thelifeboat was brought onto the deck and made fast (27:17), sea anchorswere deployed to keep the bow of the ship oriented into the oncomingwaves (27:7), the rudder was lashed amidships (27:40), valuable cargoand gear were jettisoned (27:19, 38), and, as in the days of Jonah,sailors and passengers prayed for divine deliverance (27:29; see alsothe protective emblems in 28:11).

Whenall other means had been exhausted, a ship could be run aground on asandy beach (Acts 27:39), a measure that would have risked damage tothe boat but saved lives. In the case of Paul’s ship, thedecision to run aground ultimately resulted in the destruction of theship (27:41).

Metaphorsand illustrations.Several NT authors draw illustrations from the nautical world. Jameslikens the harmful power of evil speech to the rudder of a ship:although it is a small device, by it the pilot can control a greatship (James 3:4–5). Elsewhere, he compares the doubting of theunwise person to being lost at sea in a storm (James 1:6; cf. Eph.4:14). In 1Tim. 1:19 the loss of faith and good conscience islikened to a shipwreck. Hebrews 6:19 describes the assurance of God’sfaithfulness as an anchor for the soul.

OldTestament

Phoeniciansand Philistines. Asa people whose ancestral territory lay in the landlocked andtimber-poor highlands of Ephraim and Judah, the Israelites ofbiblical times never achieved prominence in seafaring orshipbuilding. Instead, they relied for their maritime enterprises onalliances with their coastal neighbors, particularly the Phoenicianstates to the north of Israel, who excelled in seafaring and hadaccess to the abundant timber forests of Lebanon. The Phoenicians(the Punics of classical antiquity) were famous in antiquity fortheir seafaring. In biblical times, they traded heavily betweenSyria-Palestine and Egypt and also sailed throughout theMediterranean, establishing colonies as far away as Tunisia(Carthage) and Spain (Cadiz).

Anotherseagoing people prominent in the OT were the Philistines, whose baseof power was to the west of Judah, along the Mediterranean coast. TheBible associates the Philistines with the five cities of Ashdod,Ashkelon, Ekron, Gath, and Gaza. The Philistines were among the SeaPeoples, who came to the Levant from the Aegean beginning in thetwelfth century BC (Amos 9:7; Jer. 47:4).

Theperennial enmity between the Philistines and the Israelites precludedjoint maritime ventures of the sort shared by Israel and thePhoenicians, and the Bible does not describe Philistine maritimeactivities in any depth. Nevertheless, the seagoing nature of thePhilistines is reflected by the fact that their settlements remainedconfined to the coastal region. They never made a systematic attemptto take over the traditionally Israelite and Judahite highlands. Whenthey did venture into the Judean mountains, it was to assert amilitary and political presence among the agrarian Israelites andJudahites rather than to establish permanent settlements andPhilistine population centers. Twelfth-century BC reliefs at MedinetHabu (in the mortuary temple of RamessesIII) depict a navalbattle between the Sea Peoples and the Egyptians. The reliefs includepictures of Philistine ships and sailors.

Israeliteseafaring.One of the rare references to Israelite seafaring describes theDanites and the Asherites in connection with ships and harbors (Judg.5:17; see also Ezek. 27:19). Traditional Danite territory overlappedwith the area of Philistine settlement. Asherite territory overlappedsubstantially with Phoenician territory. It is possible that Judg.5:17 refers to the fact that the Danites and the Asherites worked inthe port cities serving Philistine and Phoenician shipping. Inanother passage, Zebulun is associated with ports (Gen. 49:13). It isnoteworthy that the Israelite coast between Jaffa and Dor (roughlybetween Philistia and Phoenicia) does not have an abundance ofnatural harbors. Later, Herod the Great would build the artificialharbor at Caesarea in the first century BC. The great expense of sucha project—including the construction of over 2,500 feet ofbreakwaters made of underwater concrete, mostly imported fromItaly—suggests the extent of the need for secure harbors inthis region.

Solomon’sfleet.The zenith of Israelite seafaring occurred during the reign ofSolomon. Solomon built a fleet of ships at “Ezion Geber, whichis near Elath in Edom, on the shore of the Red Sea” (1Kings9:26). The purpose of these ships was to bring back gold from Ophir(1Kings 9:28), possibly a location in the Arabian Peninsula, towhich a port on the Red Sea would have offered ready access. Thestory confirms the aforementioned dependence on the Phoenicians inthe area of seafaring: although the ships belonged to Solomon, “Hiram[the Phoenician king of Tyre] sent his men—sailors who knew thesea—to serve in the fleet with Solomon’s men”(1Kings 9:27). The timber for the ships would also have beenimported by Israel from Phoenicia (see 1Kings 9:11). Even atthe height of its power, Israel lacked the human resources to embarkon sea voyages independently of the Phoenicians.

Thesuccess of Solomon’s project, of course, depended not only onwarm relations with the Phoenicians but also on territorial controlof the historically Edomite lands between Judah and the Red Sea. Thisfavorable combination of conditions would come and go throughout thebiblical period, and with it, Israel’s modest presence on theseas. From the Phoenician point of view, cooperation with Israel wasan essential component of gaining access to a Red Sea port, and withit to the products of Arabia, the Horn of Africa, and India. ThePhoenicians, as expansive as their travel was in the Mediterranean,could never independently control the long overland route fromPhoenicia to the Red Sea, since it ran through the territory ofIsrael and Edom. Their best hope was a friendly and powerfulIsraelite ally. This explains the cordial relationship and why Hiramsent not only his sailors to serve Solomon but also craftsmen andsupplies for the construction of the temple (1Kings 5:10–12).Solomon and Hiram jointly operated “a fleet of trading ships”that would return to port every three years bringing “gold,silver, and ivory, and apes and baboons” (1Kings 10:22).

Jehoshaphat.In the mid-ninth century BC, King Jehoshaphat of Judah attempted torepeat Solomon’s feat of launching a fleet from Ezion Geber(1Kings 22:48–49; 2Chron. 20:35–37).According to both accounts, the ships were wrecked before they couldset sail. On several other points, however, the two versions of thestory disagree in ways that bear on questions of the political andeconomic conditions of Israelite seafaring.

Bythis time, Israel and Judah had split into separate kingdoms, withthe northern kingdom of Israel being geographically and politicallycloser to the Phoenicians. The powerful King Ahab of Israel,Jehoshaphat’s contemporary through much of his reign, marriedJezebel, the daughter of the Sidonian (Phoenician) king Ethbaal(1Kings 16:31). According to 1Kings, King Ahaziah ofIsrael (Ahab’s son) proposed to cooperate with Jehoshaphat bysending his own men on the voyage, much as Hiram had assisted Solomonin the previous century. Jehoshaphat rejected the suggestion,possibly indicating a bid for Judean autonomy in an era of northerndominance. According to 2Chronicles, however, Jehoshaphat didcooperate willingly with Ahaziah, and this was the reason that theships foundered in port: God punished the righteous Jehoshaphat fortoo close a relationship with his wicked northern counterpart. In1Kings 22:47 it is mentioned that at the time of Jehoshaphat’sventure there was no king in Edom. As noted, control of the overlandroute between Judah and the Red Sea was necessary for the success ofany voyage originating from Ezion Geber.

Howeverthe contradiction between 1Kings and 2Chroniclesregarding the involvement of Ahaziah is resolved, both versions ofthe story highlight the fact that the port at Ezion Geber commandedthe interest of the Judeans, the Israelites, and the Phoenicians, andits successful operation probably depended on the cooperation of allthree.

Shipsof Tarshish.Several biblical texts, including the stories of Solomon andJehoshaphat, mention “ships of Tarshish” (1Kings10:22 NIV mg.). In a number of contexts, such ships are associatedwith the transportation of metals and metal ores, including iron,lead, tin, gold, and silver (1Kings 10:22; Ezek. 27:12; Jer.10:9). The exact derivation of the term “ships of Tarshish”is uncertain, though it is clear from the descriptions of theircargoes that such ships could travel over long distances. As Ezekielobserves, “The ships of Tarshish serve as carriers for yourwares. You are filled with heavy cargo as you sail the sea. Youroarsmen take you out to the high seas” (Ezek. 27:25–26).

Inthe Table of Nations, Tarshish is listed as a descendant of Javan(Gen. 10:4), along with a number of other seafaring peoples of theeastern Mediterranean (“Javan” indicates the peoples ofthe Aegean and is linguistically equivalent to “Ionia”[see also Ezek. 27:12–22]). Some have suggested, then, that theships of Tarshish should be associated with Tarsus in southeasternTurkey, an area containing silver mines (also the birthplace of Paul[Acts 9:11]). Others have suggested the Phoenician colony ofTartessus in Spain, another metal-producing area. This locationfigures in the interpretation of the identification of thedestination of Jonah as Tarshish (Jon. 1:3): presumably, if he wereavoiding Nineveh and departing from Joppa, he would head towardSpain, in the exact opposite direction, rather than toward Tarsus inCilicia.

Inaddition to these two geographical options, some have attempted toexplain the expression “ships of Tarshish” as derivingfrom the Akkadian term for smelting or refining: perhaps the manyreferences to cargoes of metals indicate that the ships were used totransport metal ore to refining centers. Finally, one scholar hasproposed that the term is related to the Greek word tarsos,meaning “oar.”

Descriptionsof ships and seafaring.Ezekiel, in his lament concerning the Phoenician city of Tyre (Ezek.27), relates a number of details related to Phoenician seafaring. Thepicture largely confirms the descriptions of how Solomon built andmanned his fleet with the assistance of his Tyrian ally. Timber forthe construction of the ship came from Lebanon and Cyprus, amongother places (vv. 5–6). Sails were made from Egyptian linen(v.7), and as noted above, the oarsmen and sailors were fromthe Phoenician city-states (vv. 8–9). Ezekiel goes on to list alarge number of ports of call as well as a dazzling variety ofcargoes (vv. 12–24). Notably, Ezekiel has the Judahites and theIsraelites offering the products of their agrarian economy—“wheatfrom Minnith and confections, honey, olive oil and balm”(v.17)—thus filling out the picture of what theIsraelites gave in exchange for the precious metals and luxury itemsimported by their country from elsewhere.

In1999 archaeologists explored two eighth-century BC Phoenician shipsthat had sunk thirty miles west of Ashkelon. The ships, eachmeasuring about fifty feet in length, contained large cargoes of wineand were headed either for Egypt or for the Phoenician colonies inthe western Mediterranean.

Shipsand sailing figure prominently in the story of Jonah, who boarded aship bound for Tarshish (see discussion above) at Joppa on theMediterranean coast. In the story we see a number of features ofancient sea travel. Jonah paid a fare for his voyage (Jon. 1:3). Notonly the biblical author (see 1:4), but also the presumablynon-Israelite sailors, believed that the great storm was the doing ofa god, and that it could be calmed by appealing to that god(1:6)—although cargo was thrown overboard for good measure.When Paul was caught in a storm in the first century AD, the samestrategies were still in use (Acts 27:38). The religious habits ofancient sailors, particularly their reverence for the gods whocontrolled the stormy seas and thus held their lives in the balance,are illuminated by the discovery of stone anchors in several temples(presumably left by sailors as offerings), including at the portcities of Ugarit, Kition, and Byblos.

Psalm107:23–32 speaks of God’s care of sailors from anIsraelite perspective. In the psalm, those who “went out on thesea in ships,” the “merchants on the mighty waters”(i.e., the deep, open sea), witness firsthand the works of the God ofIsrael, which include both the raising and the quieting of the storm.This passage vividly expresses the terror of being caught in a stormand the great relief and gratitude felt by sailors who reached safehaven.

Noah’sArk

Accordingto the biblical account, Noah’s ark was 450 feet long, 75 feetwide, and 45 feet high (300 cubits by 50 cubits by 30 cubits [Gen.6:15]). It had three decks, a roof, and a window. By comparison, theship of Uta-napishti in the Epic of Gilgamesh is described as havingsix decks (and thus seven stories), edges of 180 feet (ten dozencubits) in each dimension, and occupying the space of an acre (arough approximation of the dimensions given). Both ships aredescribed as providing space for the builder’s family and everyliving creature. In the Atrahasis Epic, the boat is roofed, but itsdimensions are not given.

Becauseof the character of Gen. 6–8, it is inappropriate to drawconclusions from the story regarding shipbuilding in historicalantiquity. According to the specifications given in the biblicaltext, Noah’s ark would have been the largest wooden ship inhistory, equaled only by the United States schooner Wyoming,completed in 1909. While the overall length of the Wyoming was also450 feet, nearly 100 feet of length was accounted for in the fore andaft booms, so that the hull length was only 350 feet. Even with earlytwentieth-century shipbuilding technology, its extravagant lengthrendered the Wyoming unseaworthy, and the ship foundered in 1924. Thelargest documented wooden ships of antiquity include the GreekSyracusia(third century BC; 180 feet), described by Athenaeus; the Roman Isis(second century AD; 180 feet), described by Lucian; Caligula’s“Giant Ship” (first century AD; 341 feet), recovered inmodern times and possibly corresponding to a ship described by Plinythe Elder; and PtolemyIV’s Tessarakonteres (third centuryBC), reported by Plutarch to have been about 425 feet long. This lastship was not designed for cruising in open water.

NewTestament

Fishingin the Sea of Galilee. Severalof Jesus’ disciples worked as fishermen on the Sea of Galilee,and the Gospels document their use of small boats for fishing andtraveling across the sea. Fishing was done with nets thrown both fromboats and from the shore (Mark 1:16, 19). The boats used by fishermenon the Sea of Galilee may have been small enough to pull up onto thebeach (Luke 5:2), or to be nearly capsized by a large catch of fish(Luke 5:7) or by a violent storm (Mark 4:37). They were large enoughto transport several men and even to sleep in (Mark 4:38). Such boatscould be rowed or sailed; in Mark 6:48 the disciples had to resort torowing because of an unfavorable headwind. On one occasion, Jesusstood in a boat to preach to a crowd gathered on the shore (Mark4:1). The Sea of Galilee is about eight miles wide and thirteen mileslong. On several occasions, Jesus traveled by boat across the sea toavoid having to walk long distances around its circumference (e.g.,Matt. 9:1; 14:22; 15:39).

In1986 archaeologists recovered a fishing boat dating to the mid-firstcentury AD on the shore of the Sea of Galilee. The boat had beenscuttled near the shore and was preserved under mud. The “JesusBoat,” as it was dubbed, measures twenty-seven feet in lengthand has a beam seven and a half feet long. Numerous species of woodwere used in its construction and repairs throughout its useful life.While there is no evidence to link the boat to Jesus or hisdisciples, radiometric dating places it in the correct period, and itprovides a likely model of the type of boat portrayed in the Gospels.

Asecond source of information regarding ships and sailing in the NT isthe account in Acts of Paul’s many sea voyages. As in the caseof Jehoshaphat, the Tyrians, Jonah, and Jesus’ disciples, Paullearned firsthand the perils of seafaring in small wooden boats:among his many traumas, along with beatings and stonings, herecalled, “Three times I was shipwrecked, I spent a night and aday in the open sea” (2Cor. 11:25).

Paul’sjourneys.A survey of Paul’s sea travels on his four journeys gives someidea of the routes that could be taken by a paying traveler in theeastern Mediterranean and Aegean.

1.Paul’s first missionary journey included voyages from Seleuciain Syria to the port of Salamis in Cyprus (Acts 13:4) and from Cyprus(Paphos) to Perga on the southern coast of Asia Minor (13:13). Afterjourneying through the interior, Paul returned to Attalia, where heembarked for the return trip to Syria, presumably passing againthrough the port at Salamis (14:26).

2.The second missionary journey began not with a sea voyage but ratherwith a trek through the interior of Syria and Cilicia, illustratingthat although sea travel was by far a more rapid means of travel, theoverland routes were by no means impossible (Acts 15:39). Paul wouldrepeat this land route during his third journey (19:1). Sea travelwas fast, but when one had plenty of friends along the alternativeland route, a sea journey was considerably less enjoyable. It isduring the second journey that we have the first recorded accounts ofPaul sailing in the Aegean. From Troas in Asia Minor, he sailed theshort distance to Macedonia (16:11), putting in midway at the islandof Samothrace. Apparently, Paul traveled by sea down the coast fromBerea to Athens (17:14). At the conclusion of his second journey,Paul sailed from Corinth to Caesarea, with a stop at Ephesus(18:18–22). Not counting any intervening ports of call notmentioned in the text, this would be the longest single leg of seatravel so far mentioned.

3.The third missionary journey once more began with a long overlandtrip from Syria through Asia Minor; by this time, Paul had manyassociates along the way to visit. Again, he sailed in the Aegean,from Ephesus to Macedonia (Acts 20:1) and back (20:6). At one point,Paul opted to travel overland, from Troas to Assos, while hiscompanions sailed down the coast (20:13). Meeting up with them, hesailed on, hugging the coast of Asia Minor, then sailing south ofCyprus along an open-water route to Tyre. From Tyre, the ship againhugged the Palestinian coast, stopping in several ports before Pauldisembarked at Caesarea (21:7). Paul’s journeys illustrate thevariety of itineraries taken by ships. They were capable of sailingin deep water, but they would also hug the coast when there werereasons to make frequent stops.

4.Paul’s fourth journey, which he made in custody on his way to atrial before the emperor at Rome, was to be the most dangerous. Fromthe account in Acts we can glean a number of details of life at seain the first century AD. The ship bound for Italy was large, and itcarried 276 passengers and crew (Acts 27:6, 37), including soldiersand prisoners, at least one companion of a prisoner (Paul’sfriend Aristarchus [27:2]), a ship’s pilot, and the ship’sowner (27:11). Sailors used celestial navigation (27:20) and tooksoundings in shallow water (27:28). We see also that the ship’scourse could be determined by the direction of the prevailing winds:twice during the journey Paul’s ship was forced to sail to thelee of large islands (Cyprus and Crete)—a longer journey, butthe only option for a ship that was not rigged to sail close-hauled.

Whenextended periods of unfavorable weather were forecast, one option wassimply to put in at a port until conditions improved, preferably in aharbor that was in the lee of an island (Acts 27:12). We learnsomething of the measures that were taken in heavy weather, many ofwhich are still used in modern times: ropes were tied around the hullof the ship to prevent it from breaking up in rough seas (27:17), thelifeboat was brought onto the deck and made fast (27:17), sea anchorswere deployed to keep the bow of the ship oriented into the oncomingwaves (27:7), the rudder was lashed amidships (27:40), valuable cargoand gear were jettisoned (27:19, 38), and, as in the days of Jonah,sailors and passengers prayed for divine deliverance (27:29; see alsothe protective emblems in 28:11).

Whenall other means had been exhausted, a ship could be run aground on asandy beach (Acts 27:39), a measure that would have risked damage tothe boat but saved lives. In the case of Paul’s ship, thedecision to run aground ultimately resulted in the destruction of theship (27:41).

Metaphorsand illustrations.Several NT authors draw illustrations from the nautical world. Jameslikens the harmful power of evil speech to the rudder of a ship:although it is a small device, by it the pilot can control a greatship (James 3:4–5). Elsewhere, he compares the doubting of theunwise person to being lost at sea in a storm (James 1:6; cf. Eph.4:14). In 1Tim. 1:19 the loss of faith and good conscience islikened to a shipwreck. Hebrews 6:19 describes the assurance of God’sfaithfulness as an anchor for the soul.

In NT studies, “Synoptic” refers to the Gospelsof Matthew, Mark, and Luke, which, due to their similarities, can becompared side by side (synoptic= seeing together). Althoughcoined earlier, the term “Synoptic” did not become thecommonly used reference to the first three Gospels until thenineteenth century.

Synopticalcomparisons reveal texts that are similar in wording (e.g., Matt.19:13–18// Mark 10:13–16// Luke 18:15–17),order (e.g., Matt. 12:46–13:58// Mark 3:31–6:6a//Luke 8:19–56), and parenthetical material (e.g., Matt. 9:6//Mark 2:10// Luke 5:20). Most interestingly, the Synoptics agreein their quotation of the OT even when they differ from the Hebrew OTtext itself (compare Matt. 3:3// Mark 1:3// Luke 3:4 toIsa. 40:3). Beyond such similarities, significant differences prevailthat raise difficult questions. How, for example, could Mark escapeany reference to the Sermon on the Mount (including the Lord’sPrayer), which holds such a prominent position in Matthew?

Relationshipsamong the three Gospels.Due to these and other factors, multiple theories on the SynopticGospels’ relationship to one another have arisen. Yet none havefound universal acceptance. Historically, based primarily onAugustine’s claim, the church affirmed Matthew as the firstGospel, with Mark as his abridgment and Luke as employing both. TheGerman text critic J.J. Griesbach developed this thesis ofMatthean priority in his 1774 Synopsis, arguing that Luke was thefirst to use Matthew, and Mark was drawing from both. The GriesbachHypothesis continues to have advocates.

Matthewcovers the substance of 97.2percent of Mark’s 661 verses,while 88.4percent reappear in Luke. Although such statisticscould be explained as Mark’s combination and abbreviation ofMatthew and Luke, in fact Matthew generally shortens Mark where theycover the same material. In search of explanations that bettervalidate the evidence, NT scholars proposed the Two SourceHypothesis, arguing that Mark wrote first, and that Matthew and Lukedrew from Mark and from another, unknown source (which scholars call“Q,” from German Quelle, meaning “source”).H.J. Holzmann gave significant credence to this theory in 1863,and after B.H. Streeter’s persuasive publication in 1924it became the leading theory. Rather than the reverse, it seemseasier to understand Matthew and Luke as expansions of Mark’snarrative, just as evidence suggests that they “cleaned up”Mark’s poorer Greek and more difficult readings. Furthermore,although Matthew and Luke often disagree with each other bothverbally and in their order of events, they rarely agree with oneanother against Mark. This suggests that in the triple tradition(passages in all three Synoptic Gospels), Matthew and Luke are notborrowing from each other but are independently using Mark.

Thesuggestion of the unknown source Q (which could be either written ororal) proved necessary to make sense of the significant agreementsbetween Matthew and Luke in material not covered by Mark. Streetersuggested further that the material that was unique to Matthew andLuke respectively came from sources designated as “M” and“L.”

Althoughthe Two Source Hypothesis remains the working theory preferred bymost scholars, others claim that the issue is far from unresolved. Toreconstruct the precise development of the Synoptic Gospels hasproven extremely difficult. Each Gospel may have been influenced by avariety of sources. Rather than being well defined, the processlikely was fluid, bringing together commonly known and acceptedmemorizations of specific Jesus sayings, repeated retellings ofspecific sequences of events (shorter and longer) that had turnedinto strings of established tradition among early churches, writtenrecords made by disciples such as Matthew, oral preaching of apostlessuch as Peter, accounts possibly from Mary the mother of Jesus (cf.Luke 2:19), and other things.

Mark’sGospel has historically been considered a written condensation ofPeter’s preaching, but as C.H. Dodd showed in his 1936Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments, Mark shaped his Gospelaccording to a common apostolic pattern observable in the speeches inActs. Except for a few parables and the action-filled apocalypse inchapter 13, Mark’s Gospel consists almost exclusively ofdescriptive narrative that delineates the power and purpose of Jesus,the Son of God. Mark is kerygma, preaching about Jesus. Q, or thematerial common to Matthew and Luke absent in Mark, consists almostexclusively of teaching material, Jesus sayings.It is didachē, teaching from Jesus.

Distinctivesof each Gospel.Griesbach’s “synoptic” approach of placing thesethree Gospels side by side for comparison has prompted new scholarlyapproaches such as redaction criticism and has provided beginningstudents with a helpful way to recognize specific emphases of eachGospel. As noted above, Mark is a fast-paced narrative (“immediately”occurs nine times in chap. 1 alone) with vivid picturesque detail(e.g., 14:51–52). Matthew writes for a Jewish audience. Heweaves his narrative around five major teaching discourses (chaps.5–7; 10; 13; 18; 24–25) while highlighting Jesus’relationship to Abraham (chap. 1), his mission to “the lostsheep of Israel” (chaps. 10; 15), and his birth and death asthe “King of the Jews” (chaps. 2; 27) and using theJewish expression “kingdom of heaven.” Luke, whileportraying the comprehensive scope of Jesus’ mission byrelating Jesus directly to Adam and God (3:38) and placing the eventsin secular history (chap. 2), reveals a special interest in thedowntrodden (women, poor, children, Samaritans), prayer (nineprayers), the Holy Spirit, and joyfulness.

Because Scripture sees all things as providentially arrangedand sustained by God’s sovereign power at all times (Heb. 1:3),miracles are not aberrations in an otherwise closed and mechanicaluniverse. Nor are miracles raw demonstrations of divinity designed toovercome prejudice or unbelief and to convince people of theexistence of God (Mark 8:11–12). Still less are they cleverconjuring tricks involving some kind of deception that can beotherwise explained on a purely scientific basis. Rather, God in hisinfinite wisdom sometimes does unusual and extraordinary things tocall attention to himself and his activity. Miracles are divinelyordained acts of God that dramatically alert us to the presence ofhis glory and power and advance his saving purposes in redemptivehistory.

Terminology

Thebiblical writers describe miracles with various terms, such as“signs,” “wonders,” and “miracles”(or “powers”), which can carry various connotations. Asthe word “sign” suggests, divine miracles are significantand should cause us to think more deeply about God in a way that goesbeyond mere amazement or curiosity (Exod. 4:30–31; John 2:11).Not all of God’s signs are miraculous. Some are given as partof his ordering of the natural world (Gen. 1:14) or as anencouragement to faith that God will do as he has said (e.g., therainbow in Gen. 9:8–17; the blood of the Passover lamb in Exod.12:13). (See also Sign.)

Oftencoupled with signs are “wonders” (Jer. 32:21; John 4:48;2Cor. 12:12). If the depiction of miracles as “signs”indicates an appeal to the intellect, that of “wonders”points to the emotions. Miracles evoke astonishment and awe at theone who did them.

TheNT word “miracle” carries the meaning of power andtherefore points to the supernatural source of these events (Luke10:13; Acts 8:13).

Miraclesin the Bible

OldTestament.In the OT, miracles are not evenly distributed but rather are foundin greater number during times of great redemptive significance, suchas the exodus and the conquest of Canaan. Miracles were performedalso during periods of apostasy, such as in the days of theninth-century prophets Elijah and Elisha. Common to both of theseeras is the powerful demonstration of the superiority of God overpagan deities (Exod. 7–12; 1Kings 18:20–40).

NewTestament. Inthe NT, miracles often are acts of compassion, but more significantlythey attest the exalted status of Jesus of Nazareth (Acts 2:22) andthe saving power of his word (Heb. 2:3–4). In the SynopticGospels, they reveal the coming of God’s kingdom and theconquest of Satan’s dominion (Matt. 8:16–17; 12:22–30;Mark 3:27). They point to the person of Jesus as the promised Messiahof OT Scripture (Matt. 4:23; 11:4–6). John shows a preferencefor the word “signs,” and his Gospel is structured aroundthem (John 20:30–31). According to John, the signs that Jesusperformed were such that only the one who stood in a uniquerelationship to the Father as the Son of God could do them.

Miraclesand faith.Just as entrenched skepticism is injurious to faith, so too is naivecredulity, for although signs and wonders witness to God, falseprophets also perform them “to deceive, if possible, even theelect” (Matt. 24:24). Christians are to exercise discernmentand not be led astray by such impostors (Matt. 7:15–20).

Therelationship between miracles and faith is not as straightforward assometimes supposed. Miracles do not necessarily produce faith, nordoes faith necessarily produce miracles. Miracles were intended tobring about the faith that leads to eternal life (John 20:31), butnot all who witnessed them believed (John 10:32). Additionally, Jesusregarded a faith that rested only on the miracle itself as precarious(Mark 8:11–13; John 2:23–25; 4:48), though better than nofaith at all (John 10:38). Faith that saves must ultimately find itsgrounding in the person of Jesus as the Son of God.

Itis also clear that although Jesus always encouraged faith in thosewho came to him for help (Mark 9:23), and that he deliberatelylimited his miraculous powers in the presence of unbelief (Mark 6:5),many of his miracles were performed on those who did not or could notexercise faith (Matt. 12:22; Mark 1:23–28; 5:1–20; Luke14:1–4).

Thefact that Jesus performed miracles was never an issue; rather, hisopponents disputed the source of his power (Mark 3:22). Argumentsabout his identity were to be settled by appeal not to miracles butto the word of God (Matt. 22:41–46).

Thefunction of miracles.Miracle accounts function in a symbolic and prophetic manner. Hence,the cursing of the fig tree was prophetic of the coming judgment(Mark 11:12–21). The unusual two-stage healing of the blind manof Bethsaida symbolized Peter’s incomplete understanding ofJesus’ messiahship (Mark 8:22–33).

Themiraculous element of Jesus’ ministry carries an eschatologicalsignificance, pointing to the order of things in the age to come. Forexample, the nature miracles (Mark 4:35–41) look forward to theredemption of creation itself, which is presently subject tofrustration and decay (Rom. 8:20–21); the healing miraclespoint to a day when disease and deformity will be abolished (Rev.21:4); and miracles in which the dead are raised to life anticipate atime when death itself will be no more (Rev. 20:14; 21:4). From thisperspective, the miracles are a gracious foretaste of a far moreglorious future.